Egyptians mass in Cairo to mark Mubarak fall (AP)

CAIRO – Carrying flags and bringing their children along, Egyptians packed into Tahrir Square for a day of prayer and celebration Friday to mark the fall of longtime leader Hosni Mubarak a week ago and to maintain pressure on the new military rulers to steer the country toward democratic reforms.

The groups that sparked the 18-day revolt leading to Mubarak's downfall called the massive gathering the "Friday of Victory and Continuation," a name reflecting both their pride in forcing a change in national leadership and their worries about the future.

People streamed into the square, even though a main access road was blocked by an army jeep and a barricade, and those entering on foot had to present identification to soldiers.

The atmosphere was festive, as organizers hoped it would be, maintaining the upbeat spirit of the earlier protests. Some vendors even sold vuvuzelas, the buzzing horns that became the soundtrack to the World Cup in South Africa last summer.

"We came here because we are excited about Egypt and the revolution," said 48-year-old Ashraf Abdel-Azim, who made his way to the square with his wife, Nadwa, and their 9-year-old son, Ahmed. "We want freedom and change, so we are happy to see it coming."

His wife had prepared a handwritten cardboard sign. "The people want to cleanse the country of corruption," it read.

In one area of the vast plaza, a monument to those killed in the uprising — the Health Ministry has said at least 365 civilians died — had been erected. Many stopped before the monument, laying flowers on the ground or taking pictures of the pictures of those killed.

Organizers planned a lineup of bands in the afternoon, while an ad agency was looking to shoot footage to promote Egypt's tourism industry, which has been hard hit by the nation's political tumult.

Among those waiting in line was a group of about 30 activists from the "Visit Egypt" campaign. They wore matching T-shirts with the slogan "Support Freedom, Visit Egypt" printed on the front.

Despite Friday's festivities, the situation in Egypt remains unsettled amid labor unrest and worries the military council running the country won't implement promised reforms.

Defense Minister Hussein Tantawi, head of the ruling council, hasn't even appeared in public since Mubarak stepped down under enormous pressure from the crowds that began protesting Jan. 25, and would not stop despite being attacked by pro-Mubarak forces.

While revolution has been good for national pride, it has pounded the Egyptian economy.

Banks and the stock market have been shuttered by the uprising, and the military has twice warned Egyptians not to strike. Even so, at least 1,500 employees of the Suez Canal Authority protested for better pay, housing and benefits Thursday in three cities — just one example of workers nationwide using this opportunity to voice long-held grievances.

View the original article here

How Egyptians toppled Mubarak – and who will lead them now (The Christian Science Monitor)

Cairo – As a new era dawns in Cairo today, with the sounds of a stunning revolution still echoing across the region, Egyptians face a more sobering task: How to translate the momentum that brought down a regime into meaningful democratic reform.

The unprecedented popular uprising that drove now-former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak from power after nearly 30 years succeeded in large part because it became a grass-roots movement that could not be contained, negotiated with, or controlled through a few leaders.

But now, there is no clear leadership to tell the protesters milling around Tahrir Square – the epicenter of the 18-day uprising – whether to go home or to stay, keeping pressure on the military as its supreme council decides the country's next steps.

IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's turmoil

Some Egyptians, filled with a new sense of freedom and pride in their country, have begun cleaning up Tahrir, which served as a home base for hundreds of thousands of Egyptians pressing for a new democratic order. Some of the protesters-turned-volunteers wore signs that said, "Sorry for the inconvenience, but we're building Egypt."

Just how they'll do that remains uncertain.

Unified by a cause, not a leaderUntil now, the leaderless nature of the uprising has been its strength, allowing the cautious Islamists of the Muslim Brotherhood to make common cause with socialists, Coptic Christians, and middle-class youths who know they want a freer Egypt but are uncertain of what ideology should drive them there.

Over nearly three weeks of protests, Egyptians of every stripe coalesced at Tahrir Square with a single unifying demand: Mubarak must go, now.

"They keep saying they don't have a single leader, and that's true," said Ahmed Baher Mansour earlier this week, as he demonstrated with others in the square. "Nobody has asked us to come [for anything] except for our freedom and our dignity."

They organized themselves into teams to guard the barricades and search for weapons among people joining the crowd. They set up field hospitals and water distribution stations. A group of volunteer engineers even poured cement for public toilets.

And on Friday, Feb. 11, in a display of steadfast, focused anger after Mr. Mubarak defiantly insisted that he would not step down, they busted out of the democracy ghetto of Tahrir Square.

Thousands marched near the presidential residence, previously a sacrosanct no-go zone, and tens of thousands converged on the radio and television building – the nerve center for state propaganda – leaving regime mouthpieces trapped and frightened inside.

In the face of such a display, Mubarak was forced to resign – less than 24 hours after adamantly refusing to do so.

The moment Vice President Omar Suleiman finished his brief announcement that Mubarak had resigned, Cairo erupted. People poured out of their homes, cars began honking wildly, and chants of "It's done! The people brought down the regime!" broke out in Tahrir Square, in front of the state radio and television building, and among protesters at Mubarak's official residence.

"It's like a dream," said Mohamed Aidarus, a mechanical engineer camped outside the presidential palace. "Whatever happens, we've shown that we can make our voice heard and that no government can do whatever they want to us again."

pagebreak

Leadership issue more pressing now

Now the matter of leadership becomes much more pressing. In the weeks and months ahead, prominent forces in Egyptian society – from the military to ruling party members to prominent businessmen – will seek to massage events in their favor.

For the moment, the Supreme Military Council of senior generals has taken charge, with Mr. Suleiman likely to play a key role in managing the transition to a post-Mubar­ak era.

The Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt's long-suppressed – and best organized – opposition group, will certainly have a voice. Mohamed ElBaradei, the former head of the United Nations nuclear watchdog agency who has become a prominent advocate for democratic reform, will be seeking one, too.

Divided on regime change

The protesters themselves have been split over what comes next – whether Mubarak's stepping down is sufficient or whether full regime change is required. As the Monitor went to press, it was too early to tell whether the coming weeks would yield real democratic reform.

The regime so far appears to have been trying to split the masses with a relentless state propaganda campaign warning of chaos and foreign infiltrators, with Suleiman reaching out to the millions of Egyptians who want a return to normalcy.

"Mubarak and much of the regime have thrived on dividing people, stirring up trouble between Christians and Muslims, making us distrust ourselves, for years," said Maria Hus­­sein, a Tahrir Square demonstrator speaking before Mu­barak resigned. "The whole system needs to be overturned or the revolution won't really succeed."

On one side are Tahrir warriors, with bandaged heads from battles with government thugs, who will settle for nothing short of regime change; on the other are those who are more eager to go back to work than to overhaul the political system they've lived under for decades.

"Yes, we want Mubarak to go, but we also want to work," said Islam Suweis, who runs a small grocery store in central Cairo. "We could all be in danger if this carries on."

Mustafa Kamel al-Sayed, a Cairo University political science professor, speaking shortly before Mubarak resigned, agreed the situation was fraught: "There are already some divisions among the demonstrators. Some are saying, 'Let us give the promise of reform a chance and trust the armed forces, who say they will guarantee reform.' Others are saying, 'No trust is left.' If the process of reform doesn't proceed positively and quickly, this could become very dangerous."

pagebreak

Many of the traditional opposition, including the Muslim Brotherhood, have been generally ambivalent about unfolding events, leading to a lack of trust from the street-level protesters. Whether they will be able to win them over will be a test.

Who could play a key role

Suleiman, representing at least a part of the military establishment, is likely to remain a key player.

With vast economic resources at its disposal, the military's commitment to an end to one-party rule and an end to the military's monopoly on the presidency is unclear. It, too, and its various factions, will be influential.

Here are some others who could play a role in the transition, but weren't directly involved in organizing the protests:

•The Muslim Brotherhood has been falling over itself in declaring its support for democracy while insisting it won't run a candidate for president. The Brothers are distrusted by many secular Egyptians and showed more signs of willingness to compromise than other reformers.

•Mr. ElBaradei is the most internationally known of the opposition politicians in Egypt right now. But he's spent most of the past decade living overseas and has no real political organization on the ground. A recent poll by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy found that just 3 percent of Egyptians support ElBaradei for president (a post he says he is not seeking).

•Egyptians like billionaire Naguib Sawiris, with much to lose, would like to see Egyptian politics open up as a political safety valve, but are seeking a smooth, managed transition.

• And finally, there are the people on the streets, a vast majority of them under 30, meaning they've never known any leader but Mubarak.

Their fury at him and Suleiman is palpable. At least 300 protesters have been killed by Egyptian security forces under their command, and thousands more have been rounded up by the military police and the Mukhabarat, the feared secret police.

"The military police took me, blindfolded me, and handed me to what I think were the Mukhabarat," says Ahmed Bader, displaying cigarette burns on his arms from what he said was three days of detention and interrogation. "We're just asking for our rights.... There's no giving in now."

Transition to post-Mubarak era

Could the youths on the streets demand more than Mubarak's departure? They might.

President Obama and reformers like El­Bara­dei had been hoping for a managed transition in Egypt, fearful that a precipitous Mubarak departure could lead to chaos and a full military takeover.

But after Mubarak and Suleiman publicly dug in their heels Feb. 10, the writing was on the wall – with redoubled public demonstrations.

The military stepped in for the sake of the country the next day, deciding that the president himself was the source of instability.

The military's role in tipping events shows that it hasn't all been people power. The friendly attitude of soldiers in front of the TV building on Friday – they even allowed demonstrators to climb up on their tanks to shake hands and pose for snapshots – made the siege of the government symbol much easier.

Many in Egypt trust that the military will play a caretaker role and ensure a democratic transition. Everyone will soon find out if that trust is well placed.

Egypt's revolution looks as if it's at the end of the beginning, to borrow a phrase from Winston Churchill. What comes next will depend on whether the demonstrators can continue to rally masses to their side and whether men like Suleiman resort to force to avoid being swept away.

•Monitor photographer Ann Hermes and Max Strasser contributed reporting from Cairo.

IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's turmoil

View the original article here

How Egyptians toppled Mubarak – and who will lead them now (The Christian Science Monitor)

Cairo – As a new era dawns in Cairo today, with the sounds of a stunning revolution still echoing across the region, Egyptians face a more sobering task: How to translate the momentum that brought down a regime into meaningful democratic reform.

The unprecedented popular uprising that drove now-former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak from power after nearly 30 years succeeded in large part because it became a grass-roots movement that could not be contained, negotiated with, or controlled through a few leaders.

But now, there is no clear leadership to tell the protesters milling around Tahrir Square – the epicenter of the 18-day uprising – whether to go home or to stay, keeping pressure on the military as its supreme council decides the country's next steps.

IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's turmoil

Some Egyptians, filled with a new sense of freedom and pride in their country, have begun cleaning up Tahrir, which served as a home base for hundreds of thousands of Egyptians pressing for a new democratic order. Some of the protesters-turned-volunteers wore signs that said, "Sorry for the inconvenience, but we're building Egypt."

Just how they'll do that remains uncertain.

Unified by a cause, not a leaderUntil now, the leaderless nature of the uprising has been its strength, allowing the cautious Islamists of the Muslim Brotherhood to make common cause with socialists, Coptic Christians, and middle-class youths who know they want a freer Egypt but are uncertain of what ideology should drive them there.

Over nearly three weeks of protests, Egyptians of every stripe coalesced at Tahrir Square with a single unifying demand: Mubarak must go, now.

"They keep saying they don't have a single leader, and that's true," said Ahmed Baher Mansour earlier this week, as he demonstrated with others in the square. "Nobody has asked us to come [for anything] except for our freedom and our dignity."

They organized themselves into teams to guard the barricades and search for weapons among people joining the crowd. They set up field hospitals and water distribution stations. A group of volunteer engineers even poured cement for public toilets.

And on Friday, Feb. 11, in a display of steadfast, focused anger after Mr. Mubarak defiantly insisted that he would not step down, they busted out of the democracy ghetto of Tahrir Square.

Thousands marched near the presidential residence, previously a sacrosanct no-go zone, and tens of thousands converged on the radio and television building – the nerve center for state propaganda – leaving regime mouthpieces trapped and frightened inside.

In the face of such a display, Mubarak was forced to resign – less than 24 hours after adamantly refusing to do so.

The moment Vice President Omar Suleiman finished his brief announcement that Mubarak had resigned, Cairo erupted. People poured out of their homes, cars began honking wildly, and chants of "It's done! The people brought down the regime!" broke out in Tahrir Square, in front of the state radio and television building, and among protesters at Mubarak's official residence.

"It's like a dream," said Mohamed Aidarus, a mechanical engineer camped outside the presidential palace. "Whatever happens, we've shown that we can make our voice heard and that no government can do whatever they want to us again."

pagebreak

Leadership issue more pressing now

Now the matter of leadership becomes much more pressing. In the weeks and months ahead, prominent forces in Egyptian society – from the military to ruling party members to prominent businessmen – will seek to massage events in their favor.

For the moment, the Supreme Military Council of senior generals has taken charge, with Mr. Suleiman likely to play a key role in managing the transition to a post-Mubar­ak era.

The Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt's long-suppressed – and best organized – opposition group, will certainly have a voice. Mohamed ElBaradei, the former head of the United Nations nuclear watchdog agency who has become a prominent advocate for democratic reform, will be seeking one, too.

Divided on regime change

The protesters themselves have been split over what comes next – whether Mubarak's stepping down is sufficient or whether full regime change is required. As the Monitor went to press, it was too early to tell whether the coming weeks would yield real democratic reform.

The regime so far appears to have been trying to split the masses with a relentless state propaganda campaign warning of chaos and foreign infiltrators, with Suleiman reaching out to the millions of Egyptians who want a return to normalcy.

"Mubarak and much of the regime have thrived on dividing people, stirring up trouble between Christians and Muslims, making us distrust ourselves, for years," said Maria Hus­­sein, a Tahrir Square demonstrator speaking before Mu­barak resigned. "The whole system needs to be overturned or the revolution won't really succeed."

On one side are Tahrir warriors, with bandaged heads from battles with government thugs, who will settle for nothing short of regime change; on the other are those who are more eager to go back to work than to overhaul the political system they've lived under for decades.

"Yes, we want Mubarak to go, but we also want to work," said Islam Suweis, who runs a small grocery store in central Cairo. "We could all be in danger if this carries on."

Mustafa Kamel al-Sayed, a Cairo University political science professor, speaking shortly before Mubarak resigned, agreed the situation was fraught: "There are already some divisions among the demonstrators. Some are saying, 'Let us give the promise of reform a chance and trust the armed forces, who say they will guarantee reform.' Others are saying, 'No trust is left.' If the process of reform doesn't proceed positively and quickly, this could become very dangerous."

pagebreak

Many of the traditional opposition, including the Muslim Brotherhood, have been generally ambivalent about unfolding events, leading to a lack of trust from the street-level protesters. Whether they will be able to win them over will be a test.

Who could play a key role

Suleiman, representing at least a part of the military establishment, is likely to remain a key player.

With vast economic resources at its disposal, the military's commitment to an end to one-party rule and an end to the military's monopoly on the presidency is unclear. It, too, and its various factions, will be influential.

Here are some others who could play a role in the transition, but weren't directly involved in organizing the protests:

•The Muslim Brotherhood has been falling over itself in declaring its support for democracy while insisting it won't run a candidate for president. The Brothers are distrusted by many secular Egyptians and showed more signs of willingness to compromise than other reformers.

•Mr. ElBaradei is the most internationally known of the opposition politicians in Egypt right now. But he's spent most of the past decade living overseas and has no real political organization on the ground. A recent poll by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy found that just 3 percent of Egyptians support ElBaradei for president (a post he says he is not seeking).

•Egyptians like billionaire Naguib Sawiris, with much to lose, would like to see Egyptian politics open up as a political safety valve, but are seeking a smooth, managed transition.

• And finally, there are the people on the streets, a vast majority of them under 30, meaning they've never known any leader but Mubarak.

Their fury at him and Suleiman is palpable. At least 300 protesters have been killed by Egyptian security forces under their command, and thousands more have been rounded up by the military police and the Mukhabarat, the feared secret police.

"The military police took me, blindfolded me, and handed me to what I think were the Mukhabarat," says Ahmed Bader, displaying cigarette burns on his arms from what he said was three days of detention and interrogation. "We're just asking for our rights.... There's no giving in now."

Transition to post-Mubarak era

Could the youths on the streets demand more than Mubarak's departure? They might.

President Obama and reformers like El­Bara­dei had been hoping for a managed transition in Egypt, fearful that a precipitous Mubarak departure could lead to chaos and a full military takeover.

But after Mubarak and Suleiman publicly dug in their heels Feb. 10, the writing was on the wall – with redoubled public demonstrations.

The military stepped in for the sake of the country the next day, deciding that the president himself was the source of instability.

The military's role in tipping events shows that it hasn't all been people power. The friendly attitude of soldiers in front of the TV building on Friday – they even allowed demonstrators to climb up on their tanks to shake hands and pose for snapshots – made the siege of the government symbol much easier.

Many in Egypt trust that the military will play a caretaker role and ensure a democratic transition. Everyone will soon find out if that trust is well placed.

Egypt's revolution looks as if it's at the end of the beginning, to borrow a phrase from Winston Churchill. What comes next will depend on whether the demonstrators can continue to rally masses to their side and whether men like Suleiman resort to force to avoid being swept away.

•Monitor photographer Ann Hermes and Max Strasser contributed reporting from Cairo.

IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's turmoil

View the original article here

How Egyptians toppled Mubarak – and who will lead them now (The Christian Science Monitor)

Cairo – As a new era dawns in Cairo today, with the sounds of a stunning revolution still echoing across the region, Egyptians face a more sobering task: How to translate the momentum that brought down a regime into meaningful democratic reform.

The unprecedented popular uprising that drove now-former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak from power after nearly 30 years succeeded in large part because it became a grass-roots movement that could not be contained, negotiated with, or controlled through a few leaders.

But now, there is no clear leadership to tell the protesters milling around Tahrir Square – the epicenter of the 18-day uprising – whether to go home or to stay, keeping pressure on the military as its supreme council decides the country's next steps.

IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's turmoil

Some Egyptians, filled with a new sense of freedom and pride in their country, have begun cleaning up Tahrir, which served as a home base for hundreds of thousands of Egyptians pressing for a new democratic order. Some of the protesters-turned-volunteers wore signs that said, "Sorry for the inconvenience, but we're building Egypt."

Just how they'll do that remains uncertain.

Unified by a cause, not a leaderUntil now, the leaderless nature of the uprising has been its strength, allowing the cautious Islamists of the Muslim Brotherhood to make common cause with socialists, Coptic Christians, and middle-class youths who know they want a freer Egypt but are uncertain of what ideology should drive them there.

Over nearly three weeks of protests, Egyptians of every stripe coalesced at Tahrir Square with a single unifying demand: Mubarak must go, now.

"They keep saying they don't have a single leader, and that's true," said Ahmed Baher Mansour earlier this week, as he demonstrated with others in the square. "Nobody has asked us to come [for anything] except for our freedom and our dignity."

They organized themselves into teams to guard the barricades and search for weapons among people joining the crowd. They set up field hospitals and water distribution stations. A group of volunteer engineers even poured cement for public toilets.

And on Friday, Feb. 11, in a display of steadfast, focused anger after Mr. Mubarak defiantly insisted that he would not step down, they busted out of the democracy ghetto of Tahrir Square.

Thousands marched near the presidential residence, previously a sacrosanct no-go zone, and tens of thousands converged on the radio and television building – the nerve center for state propaganda – leaving regime mouthpieces trapped and frightened inside.

In the face of such a display, Mubarak was forced to resign – less than 24 hours after adamantly refusing to do so.

The moment Vice President Omar Suleiman finished his brief announcement that Mubarak had resigned, Cairo erupted. People poured out of their homes, cars began honking wildly, and chants of "It's done! The people brought down the regime!" broke out in Tahrir Square, in front of the state radio and television building, and among protesters at Mubarak's official residence.

"It's like a dream," said Mohamed Aidarus, a mechanical engineer camped outside the presidential palace. "Whatever happens, we've shown that we can make our voice heard and that no government can do whatever they want to us again."

pagebreak

Leadership issue more pressing now

Now the matter of leadership becomes much more pressing. In the weeks and months ahead, prominent forces in Egyptian society – from the military to ruling party members to prominent businessmen – will seek to massage events in their favor.

For the moment, the Supreme Military Council of senior generals has taken charge, with Mr. Suleiman likely to play a key role in managing the transition to a post-Mubar­ak era.

The Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt's long-suppressed – and best organized – opposition group, will certainly have a voice. Mohamed ElBaradei, the former head of the United Nations nuclear watchdog agency who has become a prominent advocate for democratic reform, will be seeking one, too.

Divided on regime change

The protesters themselves have been split over what comes next – whether Mubarak's stepping down is sufficient or whether full regime change is required. As the Monitor went to press, it was too early to tell whether the coming weeks would yield real democratic reform.

The regime so far appears to have been trying to split the masses with a relentless state propaganda campaign warning of chaos and foreign infiltrators, with Suleiman reaching out to the millions of Egyptians who want a return to normalcy.

"Mubarak and much of the regime have thrived on dividing people, stirring up trouble between Christians and Muslims, making us distrust ourselves, for years," said Maria Hus­­sein, a Tahrir Square demonstrator speaking before Mu­barak resigned. "The whole system needs to be overturned or the revolution won't really succeed."

On one side are Tahrir warriors, with bandaged heads from battles with government thugs, who will settle for nothing short of regime change; on the other are those who are more eager to go back to work than to overhaul the political system they've lived under for decades.

"Yes, we want Mubarak to go, but we also want to work," said Islam Suweis, who runs a small grocery store in central Cairo. "We could all be in danger if this carries on."

Mustafa Kamel al-Sayed, a Cairo University political science professor, speaking shortly before Mubarak resigned, agreed the situation was fraught: "There are already some divisions among the demonstrators. Some are saying, 'Let us give the promise of reform a chance and trust the armed forces, who say they will guarantee reform.' Others are saying, 'No trust is left.' If the process of reform doesn't proceed positively and quickly, this could become very dangerous."

pagebreak

Many of the traditional opposition, including the Muslim Brotherhood, have been generally ambivalent about unfolding events, leading to a lack of trust from the street-level protesters. Whether they will be able to win them over will be a test.

Who could play a key role

Suleiman, representing at least a part of the military establishment, is likely to remain a key player.

With vast economic resources at its disposal, the military's commitment to an end to one-party rule and an end to the military's monopoly on the presidency is unclear. It, too, and its various factions, will be influential.

Here are some others who could play a role in the transition, but weren't directly involved in organizing the protests:

•The Muslim Brotherhood has been falling over itself in declaring its support for democracy while insisting it won't run a candidate for president. The Brothers are distrusted by many secular Egyptians and showed more signs of willingness to compromise than other reformers.

•Mr. ElBaradei is the most internationally known of the opposition politicians in Egypt right now. But he's spent most of the past decade living overseas and has no real political organization on the ground. A recent poll by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy found that just 3 percent of Egyptians support ElBaradei for president (a post he says he is not seeking).

•Egyptians like billionaire Naguib Sawiris, with much to lose, would like to see Egyptian politics open up as a political safety valve, but are seeking a smooth, managed transition.

• And finally, there are the people on the streets, a vast majority of them under 30, meaning they've never known any leader but Mubarak.

Their fury at him and Suleiman is palpable. At least 300 protesters have been killed by Egyptian security forces under their command, and thousands more have been rounded up by the military police and the Mukhabarat, the feared secret police.

"The military police took me, blindfolded me, and handed me to what I think were the Mukhabarat," says Ahmed Bader, displaying cigarette burns on his arms from what he said was three days of detention and interrogation. "We're just asking for our rights.... There's no giving in now."

Transition to post-Mubarak era

Could the youths on the streets demand more than Mubarak's departure? They might.

President Obama and reformers like El­Bara­dei had been hoping for a managed transition in Egypt, fearful that a precipitous Mubarak departure could lead to chaos and a full military takeover.

But after Mubarak and Suleiman publicly dug in their heels Feb. 10, the writing was on the wall – with redoubled public demonstrations.

The military stepped in for the sake of the country the next day, deciding that the president himself was the source of instability.

The military's role in tipping events shows that it hasn't all been people power. The friendly attitude of soldiers in front of the TV building on Friday – they even allowed demonstrators to climb up on their tanks to shake hands and pose for snapshots – made the siege of the government symbol much easier.

Many in Egypt trust that the military will play a caretaker role and ensure a democratic transition. Everyone will soon find out if that trust is well placed.

Egypt's revolution looks as if it's at the end of the beginning, to borrow a phrase from Winston Churchill. What comes next will depend on whether the demonstrators can continue to rally masses to their side and whether men like Suleiman resort to force to avoid being swept away.

•Monitor photographer Ann Hermes and Max Strasser contributed reporting from Cairo.

IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's turmoil

View the original article here

Egyptians in US cheer on democracy and Arab unity (AP)

NEW YORK – Waves of celebration rippled out of Egypt and washed onto U.S. shores Friday as Egyptian-Americans looked to a future of democracy and Arab unity after the departure of President Hosni Mubarak and his three decades of authoritarian rule.

Crowds gathered in New York, suburban Detroit and the nation's capital to mark Egyptians' success at toppling a leader after three weeks of sometimes-violent protests across Egypt that many feared would end in futility.

"I feel freer than I've ever felt in my life, although I'm 10,000 miles away from my homeland," said Ashraf Abdelhalim, 47, on Manhattan's Upper East Side near one of the largest mosques in the New York area, where at least 60,000 Egyptian-Americans live.

Even while in America, he said, he felt "the oppression and the fear" from Mubarak's reign. "Now the dictator is gone," he said.

Sherine El-Abd found herself sobbing with joy at her home in Clifton, N.J. A board member of the Washington-based nonprofit Arab American Institute, she predicted that the military in Egypt will "oversee a clean, democratic election."

"Listen, if the person with the thickest skin and the densest brain in the world — Mubarak — got the message the military gave him, the message is loud and clear," El-Abd said.

People gathering at the Lebanese American Heritage Club in Dearborn, Mich., the heart of the nation's largest Arab-American community, expressed hopes for a domino effect in the Arab world.

"The Arabs were taken for granted," said Arab American News publisher Osama Siblani. "And you know what happened? The Arabs presented to the world one of the most wonderful revolutions in modern history."

In Washington, a small group gathered before a rally at the Egyptian Embassy, signing the Egyptian national anthem. Two young girls held signs reading, "EGYPT CHANGE."

"This is a new day for Arabs all together," said Radia Daoussi, a 40-year-old Tunisian who said she wanted to show solidarity with the Egyptian people.

Hisham Morgan, 34, director of the Muslim-American Society Youth Center in New York, agreed it was time to congratulate the Egyptian people — and the world.

"I am very hopeful for Egypt," he said. "I see a lot of love between the Egyptians — Christians, Muslims, the youth, everyone."

Gatherings were also happening Friday in Los Angeles, in addition to larger, better-organized ones nationwide set for Saturday. Nearly 200,000 U.S. residents identify themselves as Egyptian, according to a 2009 survey by the Census Bureau.

Omar Zaki, a 44-year-old insurance agency owner who lives in Riverside, Calif., said he couldn't believe his eyes when he read the caption under the television images of jubilant protesters in Cairo's Tahrir Square.

"I almost had to pinch myself," he said. He believes the movement will ripple throughout the Middle East, noting the old Arabic saying that Egypt is the "mother of the world."

"What happens there makes a significant difference," he said.

Spontaneous celebrations dotted the New York area. People met up near the Egyptian Mission to the United Nations in Manhattan or waved flags Friday after noon prayers on Steinway Street in Queens' Astoria neighborhood.

Ayman El-Sawa, an activist from Highlands, N.J., who has helped organize protests including one in Times Square, fielded more than 50 celebratory phone calls in just the first half hour after Mubarak shocked his homeland by finally crumbling and resigning.

"But we should celebrate with one eye — and keep the other eye open for the next step: We have to be sure the army agrees with all the people's demands and does not repeat history," he said.

In Brooklyn, physical therapist Khaled Lamada, president of the Virginia-based Egyptian-Americans for Development, got news about Mubarak on his cell phone while walking to noon prayers.

"I feel great," he said. "I feel honored, I feel proud to be Egyptian."

___

Contributing to this report were Associated Press writers Amy Taxin in Los Angeles, David Runk in Dearborn, Mich., Brett Zongker in Washington and Anita Snow at the United Nations, and photographer Frank Franklin II in New York.

View the original article here

Jubilant Egyptians usher in post-Mubarak era (Reuters)

CAIRO (Reuters) – Egyptians woke to a new dawn on Saturday after 30 years of autocratic rule under Hosni Mubarak, full of hope after achieving almost unthinkable change, with the army in charge and an uncertain future ahead.
As the muezzin's call to prayer reverberated across a misty, Cairo, the sound of car horns honking in jubilation grew louder after a night when millions throughout the Arab world's most populous country joyfully celebrated the fall of the president.
"The Revolution of the Youths forced Mubarak to leave", said a front-page headline in the state-owned Al-Ahram newspaper. "The January 25 Revolution won. Mubarak steps out and the army rules," said Al-Gomhuria, another state-run daily.
It remained to be seen how the military high command would create democracy for the first time in a country that traces its history back to the pharaohs more than 5,000 years ago and that has seen such upheaval in an uprising that took just 18 days.
The first priority was law and order before the start of the working week, which begins on Sunday in Egypt. Army tanks and soldiers stayed on the streets guarding key intersections and government buildings after the disgraced police force melted away.
With the threat of possible confrontation between the army and protesters now gone, Cairo residents took souvenir photographs of each other with smiling soldiers at roadblocks to record the first day of a new post-Mubarak era.
"I could not have imagined living to see such a day ... I just hope the new system in Egypt benefits us and fulfils our dreams," Essam Ismail, a Cairo resident in his thirties, told Reuters. "I still can't believe it really happened."
Mubarak, 82, was believed to be at his residence in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, his future unclear.
ARMY TO SUSPEND PARLIAMENT
Al Arabiya television said the army would soon dismiss the cabinet and suspend parliament. The head of the Constitutional Court would join the leadership with the military council, which was given the job of running the country of 80 million people.
Despite misgivings about military rule, the best deterrent to any attempt to keep the high command in power could be the street power and energy of protesters nationwide who showed Mubarak they could make Egypt ungovernable without their consent.
As persistent turmoil in Tunisia showed, a month after the overthrow of it autocratic ruler inspired Egyptians to act, the new government would face huge social and economic problems.
A wave of people power roared across this pivotal U.S. ally in the Middle East. Throughout the region and beyond, autocratic rulers were now calculating their chances of survival.
"It's broken a psychological barrier, not just for North Africa, but across the Middle East. I think you could see some contagion in terms of protests; Morocco, perhaps Jordan, Yemen," said Anthony Skinner of political risk consultancy Maplecroft.
In Algeria, thousands of police in riot gear poured into the center of the capital on Saturday to try to stop a planned demonstration there from copying the uprising which forced out Mubarak.
NO NELSON MANDELA
Egypt's opposition had been stifled by 30 years of emergency rule imposed after Mubarak succeeded Anwar Sadat, killed by an Islamist army officer in 1981, and there was no obvious Nelson Mandela or Lech Walesa leading Egypt's revolution.
Among possible leaders was Ayman Nour, who challenged Mubarak in the most recent presidential election and was later charged with forgery and jailed for three years.
Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa, a former Egyptian foreign minister, has often won Arab public support for his outspoken comments. Moussa said on Friday he would leave the pan-Arab body which he headed for about 10 years within weeks.
There were also some popular members from the Muslim Brotherhood group and other opposition parties. It was still unclear if any of the anonymous youth leaders behind the well-organized revolt wanted or would be allowed to hold office.
Another candidate was Mohamed ElBaradei, a veteran diplomat, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and leading opposition activist, who started a campaign last year asking for democracy and an end to the current regime. Asked on Friday if he was going to run for presidency, he said the issue was not on his mind.
The army dismantled checkpoints on Saturday around Tahrir, or Liberation, Square, which became the epicenter of the protest movement, and some makeshift barricades were being removed.
Eighteen days of rallies on Tahrir Square, resisting police assaults, rubber bullets, tear gas, live rounds and a last-ditch charge by pro-Mubarak hardliners on camels, brought undreamt-of success.
CARNIVAL ATMOSPHERE
There was a carnival atmosphere and people were once again streaming into the square, not to demonstrate but to celebrate.
Mubarak's political end was swift, coming less than a day after he stunned protesters by insisting he would not step down despite widespread expectations that he was about to do so.
Vice President Omar Suleiman said a military council would run the country for now. The council gave few details of what it said would be a "transitional phase" and gave no timetable for presidential or parliamentary elections. It said it wanted to "achieve the hopes of our great people".
Hours after word flashed out that Mubarak was stepping down and handing over to the army, it was not just Tahrir Square but, it seemed, every street and neighborhood in Cairo, Alexandria and cities and towns throughout the country was packed full.
Journalists used to the sullen quiet of the police states that make up much of the Middle East spoke of feeling the optimism of a celebrating population anticipating a new chapter in Egyptian history, however uncertain that might be.
In the United States, Mubarak's long-time sponsor, President Barack Obama said: "The people of Egypt have spoken." He stressed to the U.S.-aided Egyptian army that "nothing less than genuine democracy" would satisfy people's hunger for change.
He also acknowledged: "This is not the end of Egypt's transition. It's a beginning. I'm sure there will be difficult days ahead, and many questions remain unanswered."
Washington has pursued a sometimes meandering line since the protests began on January 25, apparently reluctant to lose a bulwark against militant Islam in the Middle East but also anxious to endorse calls for political freedom.
There was concern in some political circles in Washington about the rise of the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood organization and the possibility they might gain political momentum.
NOTE OF CAUTION
Behind the celebrations, there was a note of caution over how far the armed forces under Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, Mubarak's veteran defense minister, were ready to permit democracy, especially since the hitherto banned Muslim Brotherhood is one of the best organized movements.
"This is just the end of the beginning," said Jon Alterman of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
"Egypt isn't moving toward democracy, it's moved into martial law and where it goes is now subject to debate."
U.S. officials familiar with the Egyptian military say Tantawi, 75, has long seemed resistant to change.
Suleiman, a 74-year-old former spy chief, annoyed some this week by questioning whether Egyptians were ready for democracy.
Mubarak was the second Arab leader to be overthrown in a month. Tunisian President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali was forced to flee his country when the generals told him they were not prepared to defend him against protesters.
(Reporting by Samia Nakhoul, Edmund Blair, Marwa Awad, Yasmine Saleh, Dina Zayed, Shaimaa Fayed, Alexander Dziadosz, Sherine El Madany, Patrick Werr, Alistair Lyon, Tom Perry, Andrew Hammond, Jonathan Wright, Peter Millership and Alison Williams in Cairo and Christian Lowe in Algiers; Writing by Alastair Macdonald and Peter Millership; editing by Andrew Dobbie)
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Egyptians hopeful but face uncertain future (AP)

CAIRO – Egyptians were hopeful Saturday but faced an uncertain future, with many protesters vowing to stay camped in a central Cairo square until they hear "clear assurances" that their demands for democracy will be met.
Burnt-out vehicles were being towed away and Egyptian soldiers swept the streets and cleared barricades to open at least road leading to Tahrir, or Liberation, Square after a night of jubilant celebration and nearly three weeks of protests that forced President Hosni Mubarak to surrender power to the military.
Protesters were divided. Some took down their makeshift tents and headed home. Others vowed to stay put until the military, which has pledged to shepherd reforms for greater democracy, issues a promised statement on its next steps.
Those could include the dissolving of parliament and creation of a transitional government.
"We have to see how the army will orchestrate a democratic transfer of power. We have to wait and see," said Ali Mohammed, a sales manager camped out on the square.
Under a banner reading "the people managed to oust the regime," two other protesters argued about whether to clear the downtown square near the famed Egyptian museum.
Shopkeeper Gomaa Abdel-Maqsoud says he's been in Tahrir Square since the protests began on Jan. 25 and is ready to go. He says "I have never seen such happiness in peoples' faces before; what else do I want?" he asked.
Nadal Saqr, a university professor, insisted protesters should stay until the army offers "clear assurances" that their demands for democracy are met.
Elsewhere, Egyptians in coffee houses and on the street scoured newspapers for details about the astonishing events from the day before — when hundreds of thousands marched on Mubarak's palaces in Cairo and Alexandria and besieged state TV, leading the military to effectively carry out a coup at the please of protesters.
The 82-year-old former leader, meanwhile, remained with his family in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, according to local officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they weren't authorized to release the information.
Mubarak's downfall at the hands of the biggest popular uprising in the modern history of the Arab world had stunning implications for the United States and the West, Israel, and the region, unsettling rulers across the Mideast.
President Barack Obama's senior military adviser was heading to the Mideast Saturday to reassure two key allies — Jordan, facing its own rumblings of civil unrest, and Israel, which sees its security at stake in a wider transformation of the Arab world.
Adm. Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was stopping first in Amman for meetings Sunday with senior Jordanian officials, including King Abdullah II. Jordan has seen five weeks of protests inspired by unrest in Tunisia and later Egypt, though the numbers of marchers has been decreasing.
He then was to Tel Aviv for meetings and ceremonies Sunday and Monday marking the retirement of his Israeli counterpart, Lt. Gen. Gabi Ashkenazi, and talks with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and President Shimon Peres. Mullen had no plans to visit Egypt on this trip.
Israel is deeply worried about the prospect that Mubarak's ouster could lead to the emergence of a government less friendly to the Jewish state.
Any break seems unlikely in the near term. The military leadership supports the treaty. Anti-Israeli feeling is strong among Egyptians, and a more democratic government may take a tougher line toward Israel in the chronically broken-down peace process. But few call for outright abrogating a treaty that has kept peace after three wars in the past half-century.
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