Egypt's cabinet, under attack, meets for first time (Reuters)

CAIRO (Reuters) – Egypt's new cabinet met for the first time on Wednesday with security high on its agenda and under attack from the Muslim Brotherhood and others who want it purged of ministers appointed by ousted president Hosni Mubarak.

In preparation for polls that military rulers have promised to hand over power to civilian rule in six months, activists announced the forming of a new political party on Wednesday.

The Brotherhood and other political groups have called for another million-man-march on Friday to fill Cairo's central Tahrir Square, which was the nerve-center for opposition to Mubarak's 30-year iron rule, to call for a new cabinet.

Banned under Mubarak and playing an increasingly active role in Egyptian political life since the 18-day uprising that toppled Mubarak, the Brotherhood wants the lifting of emergency law, freeing of political prisoners and a purge of the cabinet.

The cabinet will discuss security issues in the post-Mubarak era and the provision of basic foods and subsidies on Wednesday, political sources said. Despite political pressure, there are unlikely to be further changes in the cabinet, they added.

Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, head of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces that is running the Arab world's most populous nation, swore in 10 new ministers on Tuesday, some who had opposed Mubarak, but key portfolios were unchanged.

"The main ministries of defense, justice, interior and foreign remain unchanged, signaling Egypt's politics remain in the hands of Mubarak and his cronies," senior Brotherhood member Essam el-Erian told Reuters, reacting to the new line-up.

In the run-up to presidential and parliamentary elections, a committee is amending the constitution to dismantle the apparatus that propped up Mubarak's rule and political parties are being registered ahead of the polls.

"EGYPT THE FREE"

A former diplomat, Abdallah Alashaal, was quoted by MENA news agency on Wednesday as saying he was setting up a new political party "Egypt the Free" to participate in the polls.

"The establishment of the party comes within the framework and desire to make a real representation of the youth of January 25 revolution during the coming period," Alashaal said.

The Brotherhood and youth groups are anxious that the emergency law, imposed after the assassination of Anwar Sadat by Islamist soldiers from his army in 1981, be lifted but some Cairo residents were not so sure.

"For now, they shouldn't cancel the emergency law because there are thousands and thousands of thugs out there but ultimately, yes, they have to remove it because police were mistreating lot of people through it," Somaya Mohamed, a retiree, told Reuters on Wednesday.

"I don't see anything wrong with the politics of (prime minister) Ahmed Shafiq, he has a white track record," he said, adding: "I think the youth is simply against anything that the president said that's all, they wanted to put an end to him and whatever he said."

Another priority facing the cabinet is getting the nation back to work and to stop the protests and strikes that have damaged an economy that had already been damaged by the turmoil of the revolution which erupted on January 25.

The Egyptian stock market, which closed two days after the uprising started, has announced that it will stay shut until next week.

(Writing by Peter Millership)

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Egypt's military to move on cabinet, march expected (Reuters)

CAIRO (Reuters) – Egypt's new military rulers were expected to unveil a new cabinet on Tuesday with pro-democracy protesters planning a march to pressure the generals to purge the old guard of deposed president Hosni Mubarak.

Leaks of the reshuffle to state media showing key ministers, such as foreign, finance and interior, unchanged were greeted with a sour reaction by reformists who want a fresh cabinet with technocrats to run the Arab world's most populous nation.

As the military struggled to organize a handover to power with free and fair elections in six months after the downfall of Mubarak, its neighbor Libya was engulfed by a fierce crackdown on a mounting revolt to the 41-year rule of Muammar Gadaffi.

EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton was in Cairo on Tuesday to offer international aid to help the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to get the country back to work and to secure a peaceful, swift and orderly transition of power.

"I am certainly looking at ways for us to offer support," Ashton told reporters, after a visit by British Prime Minister David Cameron and U.S. officials, offering help to the rulers of this key American ally that has a peace treaty with Israel.

The Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt's most powerful political organization which has a growing influence in the post-Mubarak era, said it was not offered a portfolio. Others referred to in leaks of a reshuffle defended their appointments.

BROTHERHOOD, OTHERS WANT PURGE

Others involved in the movement that toppled Mubarak's 30-year rule with an 18-day uprising signaled their displeasure at the plans by the council, led by Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, who has been defense minister for two decades.

Millions turned out for Egypt's uprising, centered around Cairo's Tahrir Square, to protest about corruption, repression and poverty, whipping up a revolution that toppled Mubarak, a former air force commander who took over after Anwar Sadat was assassinated in 1981.

The military dissolved parliament, suspended the constitution and promised presidential and parliamentary elections in six months but reformists are urging wider reforms and the lifting of emergency law imposed after Sadat's killing.

A group of youths called the People's National Movement for Change will stage a march from Talaat Harb Square to Tahrir Square at 2 p.m. on Tuesday to demand the resignation of Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq's interim government.

The protesters said they would give the cabinet until Wednesday to resign and will call for a big sit-in in Tahrir on Thursday and a march on Friday.

"We will march in protest to demand the resignation of Shafiq's government and abolishing emergency law and the trial of Mubarak and his family," the movement's Mohamed Fahmy said, adding the group also demanded setting a new minimum wage.

The military, facing protests over wages and conditions that sprang out of the nation's new found post-Mubarak freedom, has effectively banned strikes and industrial action to get the nation back on its feet and to restart the damaged economy

(Writing by Peter Millership)

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Egypt's Corruption Probes: Justice or a Witch Hunt? (Time.com)

While most attention has focused on the origins of the wealth of Hosni Mubarak and his family, allegations of corruption run far deeper into Egyptian society - and pursuit of the charges may result not only in the punishment of cronies but also a wider witch hunt against businessmen that may stymie an economy that needs as much growth as possible.

More than 1,000 cases of corruption, lodged with the government in recent years but largely ignored, will now be opened, according to Gawdat al-Malt, the director of Egypt's Central Auditing Organization. The breadth of potential exposÉs is staggering, poking into virtually every corner of the economy from agriculture to the financial mess that state banks have bequeathed by way of sweetheart loans that will probably never be paid back. The investigations may eventually touch foreign investors, if not foreign governments, in particular the U.S. (See pictures of Hosni Mubarak.)

But some observers warn that the zeal to clean house may cause significant collateral damage. "It's an important step and it's a necessary process that the country needs to move forward," says Khairi Abaza, a former Egyptian politician who is currently a scholar at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington, D.C., "but I think they have opened a real Pandora's box by starting this process." "This is going to be a big deal and is part of the reason emotions are running very high now in Egypt," says an Egyptian-American academic who has asked not to be identified. "There was certainly serious, serious corruption, but one worries about it widening to include people who were fairly honest businessmen, and I fear it portends a kind of willingness to backtrack on some of the necessary economic reforms that got Egypt out of the command state and are in part responsible for some of the growth that have we have been seeing there. " (See what Egyptian billionaire Naguib Sawiris thinks of the new order.)

Stifled reforms and a return to some form of state socialism, Abaza says, could result from the merged interests a "resurgent left" and the military, which has never been keen on reforms. Paul Sullivan, an economics professor at National Defense University who taught in Cairo for six years, says, "My sense is that there could be extensive expropriations of assets of those found to be corrupt, but this may cause greater capital outflows and harm Egypt's abilities to attract foreign investments." Sullivan adds, "This is a peoples' rebellion, and they are looking for some way to tax those ill-gotten gains."

The importance of wasta, or connections, makes it difficult for investigators to know where to draw the line - especially if the purge against corruption is largely a continuation of the military's behind-the-scenes campaign against the regime faction led by Gamal Mubarak, the former President's son, whose economic-liberalization policies were tarred by extensive crony capitalism. "Anyone who has [lots of] money in Egypt had to deal with corruption, had to be involved in one way or another with a degree of corruption - because that's how the system functions," argues Abaza, who for a decade was associated with the long-established liberal political party Wafd. "This started in the last days of Mubarak, mainly to have a few scapegoats, but I think this process has gone a little bit out of hand, from a regime perspective." There are already long lines of people seeking to register complaints with the attorney general's office, and many observers say that a cascade effect will occur when those accused of corruption in turn expose others higher up in the food chain. (See a video of the celebration in Egypt.)

The business community is now frantically trying to reconnect with a new and still emerging hierarchy of power - and the efforts can be frustrating. Naguib Sawiris, one of the richest businessmen in Egypt, says he has stopped providing advice to the regime after being part of the committee that tried to mediate between the Mubarak regime and the opposition. He says the junta could clearly benefit from consulting with business leaders but adds wearily, "You know, they need to see that for themselves. It's not for me to tell them that." Sawiris does not fear for himself, despite alleged ties to Gamal Mubarak. (Sawiris also happened to bankroll the country's best independent newspaper and TV network, which both covered the protests extensively.) But at the same time, Sawiris says he is uneasy about the new zeal displayed by prosecutor general Abdel Meguid Mahmoud. "He did not take action [when the cases of corruption were brought up in the past]. Now he is taking action. How can I trust a man like that?"

Another potential result of the corruption probes: a chilling effect on business and economic reform. "The cause of economic reform in Egypt is over for a long time, maybe the next 10 years," says an Egyptian-American academic who prefers not to be named. "I mean, come on, how are you going to privatize now in this atmosphere? Forget about it - it's a dead letter." Instead, he foresees the government - even a democratically elected one - falling back on policies to try to guarantee full employment with an artificially boosted minimum wage, embracing the socialism that he points out has been around since the military first took power in 1952. "Liberty does not bring economic liberalization, but that's the price you have to pay in the short term." (Comment on this story.)

There may, however, be some military-imposed limits on prosecutions. Recent Egyptian government requests to foreign governments to freeze assets of high-placed former regime officials notably did not include any Mubarak family members. The logic there, says the anonymous academic, is that if the former President could be prosecuted, then high-ranking generals could be too. The top brass presides over a fount of military wealth, which includes control over huge swaths of public land, much of which was converted in recent years into malls, upscale housing and resorts.

While potential witch hunts concern many observers, Samer Shehata, a Georgetown University professor, says his principal concern is that the investigations go far enough and "not simply to placate public opinion momentarily." He says they should include not just the financially corrupt but also the most zealous regime defenders, particularly its chief propagandists in the state media. Says Shehata: "I think they certainly need to be held accountable [and] I just want to make sure that these investigations really are thorough, that they are unbiased and professional, fair and so on. But you have to remember, we have been dealing with a government that has not been the most efficient or transparent or credible for some time now."

See TIME's special report "The Middle East in Revolt."

See TIME's Pictures of the Week.

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Could Indonesia's democracy be Egypt's model? (The Christian Science Monitor)

Jakarta, Indonesia – The similarities between Indonesia a decade ago and Egypt today are striking: a Muslim majority, a popular uprising, and the ouster of a long-running strongman. Indonesia's strides after driving Suharto out of power in 1998 make it a potential model for Egypt, which is trying to build a post-Mubarak nation.

Many have praised Indonesia for its swift transition from a period of domestic upheaval to a state that boasts Southeast Asia's largest economy, as well as a vibrant media and civil society that has twice participated in open elections. The international community has also praised Indonesia's success in cracking down on terrorism.

But accountability remains weak, illustrated by a web of corruption trials in which suspects have been acquitted or sentenced to short jail terms. Despite economic growth of more than 6 percent last year, the wealth gap has barely budged, and recent attacks on religious minorities largely ignored by the police have some worried about growing intolerance.

This nation's struggles in making everyone accountable before the law, as shown in the upcoming trial of Indonesia’s famed hard-line cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, is a reminder of the difficulties in building and maintaining democratic institutions long after the end of authoritarian rule.

IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's revolution

Bashir case could set precedentBashir faces a litany of charges that include raising funds for a militant training camp in Aceh and sanctioning armed robberies and killings in support of holy war. After escaping convictions in his previous two trials – earning him the moniker the "Teflon Terrorist" – Bashir now faces a dossier of evidence that allegedly ties him to the camp in Aceh, including testimony from his inner circle.

Observers say prosecutors only have to make the charges stick on one count to secure a guilty verdict and provide a milestone for Indonesian democracy.

“Of course, the more charges they get to stick, and the more damning, the better,” says Greg Fealy, a professor of Indonesian politics at Australian National University. Some Islamist politicians remain skeptical about Bashir’s support for terrorist activities, but Professor Fealy says a conviction would put an end to such doubts.

“It could be a precedent for going after a lot of other firebrand clerics that are deliberately inciting people to violence,” says Sidney Jones, a senior analyst focused on terrorism issues at the International Crisis Group and leading authority on Islamist militants in Indonesia.

RELATED: Delay in trial of Indonesian cleric Bashir raises worry about antiterrorism efforts

Embattled reputation for pluralismBut Ms. Jones remains wary of pinning too much importance on the aging cleric’s trial. Long considered the spiritual leader of Jemaah Islamiyah, a regional militant network bent on installing Islamic rule across Southeast Asia, Bashir has lost some of his support in recent years, as militant cells have morphed into a loose connection of small groups.

Terrorism, however, is only one form of extremism, and Jones worries that the government has foundered on addressing lesser acts of violence, such as words that lead directly to assault.

“There is no firm guidance from the state on how to protect its citizens,” says Syafi’i Anwar, the head of the International Center for Islam and Pluralism, a network of progressive Muslim activists. Mr. Anwar says the president is losing his grip on controlling radical groups – and that makes it increasingly difficult to defend Indonesia’s reputation for pluralism.

Indonesia's past in perspectiveDespite current concerns about democratic backtracking, Jones says it is important to keep Indonesia’s past in perspective. “It’s because Indonesia has recovered some basic liberties that we can criticize the government for failing to act,” she says.

The takeaway for Egypt?

“Make all the reforms you can while the spirit for reforms is still high; get the military out of politics quickly, and lift all Draconian decrees,” says Jones. And do one thing Indonesia did not do, she adds – ensure that everyone, including police and other minorities, has an equal share in democracy.

IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's revolution

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Military rulers dissolve Egypt's parliament (Reuters)

CAIRO (Reuters) – Egypt's new military rulers said on Sunday they had dissolved parliament, suspended the constitution and would govern only for six months or until elections took place, following the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak.

Troops, some wielding sticks, earlier took control of Tahrir (Liberation) Square, the fulcrum of the 18 days of protests that swept Mubarak from power, to let traffic through central Cairo as the army struggled to return life to normal.

The Higher Military Council, which took over after a revolt that changed modern Egyptian history and ended Mubarak's 30-year rule, promised a referendum on constitutional amendments.

The initial response from opposition figures and protest leaders was overwhelmingly positive. "Victory, victory," chanted pro-democracy activists in Tahrir Square. "More is needed, more is needed," others yelled.

"It is a victory for the revolution," said Ayman Nour, who challenged Mubarak for the presidency in 2005 and was later jailed. "I think this will satisfy the protesters."

Egypt's constitution was written with built-in guarantees to keep Mubarak in power, elections were rigged in favor of his ruling party and opposition groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood were sometimes harassed, sometimes tolerated.

As the momentous events in Egypt continued to ripple across the Middle East, demonstrators in Yemen, inspired by protests in Tunisia and Egypt, clashed with police blocking them from marching on Ali Abdullah Saleh's presidential palace.

Egypt's government now reports to the military as it did to Mubarak, a former air force commander who was despised by many for ruling like a pharaoh but who was once a hero for his role in the 1973 war with Israel and who steadied Egypt after the 1981 assassination of his predecessor Anwar Sadat.

Protest organizers were forming a Council of Trustees to defend the revolution and urge swift reform from a military intent on restoring law and order during the transition.

Mahmoud Nassar, a youth movement leader, said: "The army has moved far along to meet the people's demands and we urge it to release all political prisoners who were taken before and after January 25 revolution. Only then will we call off the protests."

Protesters argued heatedly in Tahrir Square over whether to stay or comply with army orders to leave. "The people want the square cleared," one group chanted. "We will not leave, we will not leave," replied another.

Police officers, emboldened by Mubarak's downfall, gathered outside the Interior Ministry to demand higher pay. Warning shots were fired in the air. No one was hurt.

The cabinet met and, for the first time, the portrait of Mubarak did not gaze over its proceedings as Egyptians quietly removed once ubiquitous images of the 82-year-old former leader.

"REVOLUTION CONTINUING"

Protesters have demanded the release of political prisoners, the lifting of a state of emergency, the abolition of military courts, fair elections and a swift handover to civilian rule.

The army has said it would lift emergency law, used to stifle dissent under Mubarak, when "current circumstances end." But it has not specified a timetable.

Despite Mubarak's resignation, some protesters have said they plan to stay in Tahrir Square to ensure the military keeps its promises on transition. They have urged Egyptians to turn out in their millions for a "victory march" on Friday.

The military's strategy has been to calm the nation and the world about its intentions and, in the short term, to try to enforce the law after the disgraced police melted away, having failed to crush protesters with teargas and batons.

On Saturday, the army said it would uphold Egypt's international obligations. These include a peace treaty with Israel, whose defense minister has been in touch with his Egyptian counterpart, who heads the military council.

How to handle policing has become a pressing issue.

Interior Minister Mahmoud Wagdy has said Egypt needs "the speedy return of the police to duty," saying 13,000 inmates who escaped from prison early in the uprising were still on the run.

Some traffic police were back on Cairo streets beside soldiers and tanks guarding intersections and key buildings. But the minister said the police force was only back at 35 percent of its pre-crisis strength, without giving numbers.

NO CABINET CHANGES

Apparently seeking to reassure Egyptians that everything was under control, Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq said government affairs were being presented to the Higher Military Council, "as they were presented to the president of the republic."

"There is no change in the form, method or process of work. Matters are completely stable," he told a news conference.

The head of the military council is Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, Mubarak's long-time defense minister.

Shafiq was appointed by Mubarak when he sacked his former cabinet on January 29 in a vain effort to quell the uprising. His remarks were likely to anger Egyptians hoping Mubarak's ruling system would be dismantled in the new era.

"It looks like Mubarak is still in power but behind the scenes. I am sorry for Egypt. They continue to try to fool the people," said Salem Metwali, 41, a protester in Tahrir Square.

Shafiq said the military would decide the role of Omar Suleiman, who was appointed vice president by Mubarak last month. Suleiman's position has been in doubt since Mubarak resigned on Friday, handing power to the armed forces. He was previously head of intelligence, on close terms to Washington.

Mohamed ElBaradei, a retired U.N. diplomat who has been put forward as a reformist spokesman, urged the army to bring in civilians to take part in the transitional process:

"We need heavy participation by the civilians," he told CNN. "It cannot be the army running the show."

Shafiq said he believed Mubarak was in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, and that the cabinet had not made any request to freeze the deposed president's assets abroad. The cabinet spokesman added that "if there is a need, they will do it."

A British minister said there should be an international approach to dealing with Mubarak's overseas assets.

Workers from the health and culture ministries staged demonstrations as Egyptians began venting pent-up frustrations.

TENTS REMOVED

The military was clear in its instructions for Tahrir.

"We do not want any protesters to sit in the square after today," Mohamed Ibrahim Moustafa Ali, head of military police, said as soldiers removed protesters' tents from the square.

People chanted "peacefully, peacefully" as soldiers and military police in red berets moved in to disperse them. Scuffles broke out and some soldiers lashed out with sticks. Protesters said soldiers detained about 50 people.

The most committed protesters vowed to remain.

Jihad Laban, an accountant, said much work remained to make sure the revolution did not squander what it had gained.

"The goal was never just to get rid of Mubarak. The system is totally corrupt and we won't go until we see some real reforms. I am going to be buried in Tahrir. I am here for my children. Egypt is too precious to walk away now."

(Reporting by Marwa Awad, Edmund Blair, Alexander Dziadosz, Shaimaa Fayed, Andrew Hammond, Alistair Lyon, Sherine El Madany, Tom Perry, Yasmine Saleh, Patrick Werr, Jonathan Wright and Dina Zayed, Writing by Peter Millership; Editing by Alistair Lyon and Alastair Macdonald)

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Military rulers dissolve Egypt's parliament (Reuters)

CAIRO (Reuters) – Egypt's new military rulers said on Sunday they had dissolved parliament, suspended the constitution and would govern only for six months or until elections took place, following the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak.
Troops, some wielding sticks, earlier took control of Tahrir (Liberation) Square, the fulcrum of the 18 days of protests that swept Mubarak from power, to let traffic through central Cairo as the army struggled to return life to normal.
The Higher Military Council, which took over after a revolt that changed modern Egyptian history and ended Mubarak's 30-year rule, promised a referendum on constitutional amendments.
The initial response from opposition figures and protest leaders was overwhelmingly positive. "Victory, victory," chanted pro-democracy activists in Tahrir Square. "More is needed, more is needed," others yelled.
"It is a victory for the revolution," said Ayman Nour, who challenged Mubarak for the presidency in 2005 and was later jailed. "I think this will satisfy the protesters."
Egypt's constitution was written with built-in guarantees to keep Mubarak in power, elections were rigged in favor of his ruling party and opposition groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood were sometimes harassed, sometimes tolerated.
As the momentous events in Egypt continued to ripple across the Middle East, demonstrators in Yemen, inspired by protests in Tunisia and Egypt, clashed with police blocking them from marching on Ali Abdullah Saleh's presidential palace.
Egypt's government now reports to the military as it did to Mubarak, a former air force commander who was despised by many for ruling like a pharaoh but who was once a hero for his role in the 1973 war with Israel and who steadied Egypt after the 1981 assassination of his predecessor Anwar Sadat.
Protest organizers were forming a Council of Trustees to defend the revolution and urge swift reform from a military intent on restoring law and order during the transition.
Mahmoud Nassar, a youth movement leader, said: "The army has moved far along to meet the people's demands and we urge it to release all political prisoners who were taken before and after January 25 revolution. Only then will we call off the protests."
Protesters argued heatedly in Tahrir Square over whether to stay or comply with army orders to leave. "The people want the square cleared," one group chanted. "We will not leave, we will not leave," replied another.
Police officers, emboldened by Mubarak's downfall, gathered outside the Interior Ministry to demand higher pay. Warning shots were fired in the air. No one was hurt.
The cabinet met and, for the first time, the portrait of Mubarak did not gaze over its proceedings as Egyptians quietly removed once ubiquitous images of the 82-year-old former leader.
"REVOLUTION CONTINUING"
Protesters have demanded the release of political prisoners, the lifting of a state of emergency, the abolition of military courts, fair elections and a swift handover to civilian rule.
The army has said it would lift emergency law, used to stifle dissent under Mubarak, when "current circumstances end." But it has not specified a timetable.
Despite Mubarak's resignation, some protesters have said they plan to stay in Tahrir Square to ensure the military keeps its promises on transition. They have urged Egyptians to turn out in their millions for a "victory march" on Friday.
The military's strategy has been to calm the nation and the world about its intentions and, in the short term, to try to enforce the law after the disgraced police melted away, having failed to crush protesters with teargas and batons.
On Saturday, the army said it would uphold Egypt's international obligations. These include a peace treaty with Israel, whose defense minister has been in touch with his Egyptian counterpart, who heads the military council.
How to handle policing has become a pressing issue.
Interior Minister Mahmoud Wagdy has said Egypt needs "the speedy return of the police to duty," saying 13,000 inmates who escaped from prison early in the uprising were still on the run.
Some traffic police were back on Cairo streets beside soldiers and tanks guarding intersections and key buildings. But the minister said the police force was only back at 35 percent of its pre-crisis strength, without giving numbers.
NO CABINET CHANGES
Apparently seeking to reassure Egyptians that everything was under control, Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq said government affairs were being presented to the Higher Military Council, "as they were presented to the president of the republic."
"There is no change in the form, method or process of work. Matters are completely stable," he told a news conference.
The head of the military council is Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, Mubarak's long-time defense minister.
Shafiq was appointed by Mubarak when he sacked his former cabinet on January 29 in a vain effort to quell the uprising. His remarks were likely to anger Egyptians hoping Mubarak's ruling system would be dismantled in the new era.
"It looks like Mubarak is still in power but behind the scenes. I am sorry for Egypt. They continue to try to fool the people," said Salem Metwali, 41, a protester in Tahrir Square.
Shafiq said the military would decide the role of Omar Suleiman, who was appointed vice president by Mubarak last month. Suleiman's position has been in doubt since Mubarak resigned on Friday, handing power to the armed forces. He was previously head of intelligence, on close terms to Washington.
Mohamed ElBaradei, a retired U.N. diplomat who has been put forward as a reformist spokesman, urged the army to bring in civilians to take part in the transitional process:
"We need heavy participation by the civilians," he told CNN. "It cannot be the army running the show."
Shafiq said he believed Mubarak was in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, and that the cabinet had not made any request to freeze the deposed president's assets abroad. The cabinet spokesman added that "if there is a need, they will do it."
A British minister said there should be an international approach to dealing with Mubarak's overseas assets.
Workers from the health and culture ministries staged demonstrations as Egyptians began venting pent-up frustrations.
TENTS REMOVED
The military was clear in its instructions for Tahrir.
"We do not want any protesters to sit in the square after today," Mohamed Ibrahim Moustafa Ali, head of military police, said as soldiers removed protesters' tents from the square.
People chanted "peacefully, peacefully" as soldiers and military police in red berets moved in to disperse them. Scuffles broke out and some soldiers lashed out with sticks. Protesters said soldiers detained about 50 people.
The most committed protesters vowed to remain.
Jihad Laban, an accountant, said much work remained to make sure the revolution did not squander what it had gained.
"The goal was never just to get rid of Mubarak. The system is totally corrupt and we won't go until we see some real reforms. I am going to be buried in Tahrir. I am here for my children. Egypt is too precious to walk away now."
(Reporting by Marwa Awad, Edmund Blair, Alexander Dziadosz, Shaimaa Fayed, Andrew Hammond, Alistair Lyon, Sherine El Madany, Tom Perry, Yasmine Saleh, Patrick Werr, Jonathan Wright and Dina Zayed, Writing by Peter Millership; Editing by Alistair Lyon and Alastair Macdonald)
View the original article here

Military rulers dissolve Egypt's parliament (Reuters)

CAIRO (Reuters) – Egypt's new military rulers said on Sunday they had dissolved parliament, suspended the constitution and would govern only for six months or until elections took place, following the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak.

Troops, some wielding sticks, earlier took control of Tahrir (Liberation) Square, the fulcrum of the 18 days of protests that swept Mubarak from power, to let traffic through central Cairo as the army struggled to return life to normal.

The Higher Military Council, which took over after a revolt that changed modern Egyptian history and ended Mubarak's 30-year rule, promised a referendum on constitutional amendments.

The initial response from opposition figures and protest leaders was overwhelmingly positive. "Victory, victory," chanted pro-democracy activists in Tahrir Square. "More is needed, more is needed," others yelled.

"It is a victory for the revolution," said Ayman Nour, who challenged Mubarak for the presidency in 2005 and was later jailed. "I think this will satisfy the protesters."

Egypt's constitution was written with built-in guarantees to keep Mubarak in power, elections were rigged in favor of his ruling party and opposition groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood were sometimes harassed, sometimes tolerated.

As the momentous events in Egypt continued to ripple across the Middle East, demonstrators in Yemen, inspired by protests in Tunisia and Egypt, clashed with police blocking them from marching on Ali Abdullah Saleh's presidential palace.

Egypt's government now reports to the military as it did to Mubarak, a former air force commander who was despised by many for ruling like a pharaoh but who was once a hero for his role in the 1973 war with Israel and who steadied Egypt after the 1981 assassination of his predecessor Anwar Sadat.

Protest organizers were forming a Council of Trustees to defend the revolution and urge swift reform from a military intent on restoring law and order during the transition.

Mahmoud Nassar, a youth movement leader, said: "The army has moved far along to meet the people's demands and we urge it to release all political prisoners who were taken before and after January 25 revolution. Only then will we call off the protests."

Protesters argued heatedly in Tahrir Square over whether to stay or comply with army orders to leave. "The people want the square cleared," one group chanted. "We will not leave, we will not leave," replied another.

Police officers, emboldened by Mubarak's downfall, gathered outside the Interior Ministry to demand higher pay. Warning shots were fired in the air. No one was hurt.

The cabinet met and, for the first time, the portrait of Mubarak did not gaze over its proceedings as Egyptians quietly removed once ubiquitous images of the 82-year-old former leader.

"REVOLUTION CONTINUING"

Protesters have demanded the release of political prisoners, the lifting of a state of emergency, the abolition of military courts, fair elections and a swift handover to civilian rule.

The army has said it would lift emergency law, used to stifle dissent under Mubarak, when "current circumstances end." But it has not specified a timetable.

Despite Mubarak's resignation, some protesters have said they plan to stay in Tahrir Square to ensure the military keeps its promises on transition. They have urged Egyptians to turn out in their millions for a "victory march" on Friday.

The military's strategy has been to calm the nation and the world about its intentions and, in the short term, to try to enforce the law after the disgraced police melted away, having failed to crush protesters with teargas and batons.

On Saturday, the army said it would uphold Egypt's international obligations. These include a peace treaty with Israel, whose defense minister has been in touch with his Egyptian counterpart, who heads the military council.

How to handle policing has become a pressing issue.

Interior Minister Mahmoud Wagdy has said Egypt needs "the speedy return of the police to duty," saying 13,000 inmates who escaped from prison early in the uprising were still on the run.

Some traffic police were back on Cairo streets beside soldiers and tanks guarding intersections and key buildings. But the minister said the police force was only back at 35 percent of its pre-crisis strength, without giving numbers.

NO CABINET CHANGES

Apparently seeking to reassure Egyptians that everything was under control, Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq said government affairs were being presented to the Higher Military Council, "as they were presented to the president of the republic."

"There is no change in the form, method or process of work. Matters are completely stable," he told a news conference.

The head of the military council is Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, Mubarak's long-time defense minister.

Shafiq was appointed by Mubarak when he sacked his former cabinet on January 29 in a vain effort to quell the uprising. His remarks were likely to anger Egyptians hoping Mubarak's ruling system would be dismantled in the new era.

"It looks like Mubarak is still in power but behind the scenes. I am sorry for Egypt. They continue to try to fool the people," said Salem Metwali, 41, a protester in Tahrir Square.

Shafiq said the military would decide the role of Omar Suleiman, who was appointed vice president by Mubarak last month. Suleiman's position has been in doubt since Mubarak resigned on Friday, handing power to the armed forces. He was previously head of intelligence, on close terms to Washington.

Mohamed ElBaradei, a retired U.N. diplomat who has been put forward as a reformist spokesman, urged the army to bring in civilians to take part in the transitional process:

"We need heavy participation by the civilians," he told CNN. "It cannot be the army running the show."

Shafiq said he believed Mubarak was in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, and that the cabinet had not made any request to freeze the deposed president's assets abroad. The cabinet spokesman added that "if there is a need, they will do it."

A British minister said there should be an international approach to dealing with Mubarak's overseas assets.

Workers from the health and culture ministries staged demonstrations as Egyptians began venting pent-up frustrations.

TENTS REMOVED

The military was clear in its instructions for Tahrir.

"We do not want any protesters to sit in the square after today," Mohamed Ibrahim Moustafa Ali, head of military police, said as soldiers removed protesters' tents from the square.

People chanted "peacefully, peacefully" as soldiers and military police in red berets moved in to disperse them. Scuffles broke out and some soldiers lashed out with sticks. Protesters said soldiers detained about 50 people.

The most committed protesters vowed to remain.

Jihad Laban, an accountant, said much work remained to make sure the revolution did not squander what it had gained.

"The goal was never just to get rid of Mubarak. The system is totally corrupt and we won't go until we see some real reforms. I am going to be buried in Tahrir. I am here for my children. Egypt is too precious to walk away now."

(Reporting by Marwa Awad, Edmund Blair, Alexander Dziadosz, Shaimaa Fayed, Andrew Hammond, Alistair Lyon, Sherine El Madany, Tom Perry, Yasmine Saleh, Patrick Werr, Jonathan Wright and Dina Zayed, Writing by Peter Millership; Editing by Alistair Lyon and Alastair Macdonald)

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How Egypt's power shift affects U.S. (Exclusive to Yahoo! News)

By Steve Clemons

Pro-democracy protesters celebrated in cities across Egypt on Friday after forcing President Hosni Mubarak to step down. Mubarak, who had announced Thursday night in a televised speech that he would keep his title and give some of his authority to Vice President Omar Suleiman, suddenly handed over power to the military and left Cairo. (Latest developments)

Mubarak's resignation, which ends three decades of authoritarian rule, raises numerous questions about what led to his decision, what happens next and what the transition means. Here are some answers.

What does the change in Egypt mean for the United States?

Mubarak's resignation and the uncertainty facing Egypt are serious issues for American foreign policy. Mubarak's Egypt was a longstanding American ally that cooperated with the United States on a long list of issues, ranging from combating terrorism to assisting U.S. military operations in the Middle East to helping secure shipping lanes to facilitating Arab-Israeli negotiations. The tectonic shift going on in Egypt, and in the broader Middle East, may have dramatic effects on the future price of oil, the extent of American regional influence, Israeli security, and a host of other key questions. With Egypt in a state of transition, the United States might see some of its interests suffer and some remain secure. Whatever ultimately happens in Egypt, the process has only just begun. The fate of America's regional influence and its diplomatic, economic and military ties to the Middle East is a part of that process.

Who is in charge of Egypt now?

Around 11 a.m. EST, Hosni Mubarak, Egypt's president for almost 30 years, resigned. In a 30-second statement, his vice president, Omar Suleiman, announced that the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces would manage the state's affairs. The military now appears to be fully in control of the country. Suleiman, Mubarak's ally, is still part of the governing body but with potentially diminished influence.  It is a fluid situation, and how power ultimately will shake out is unclear. The Supreme Council is made up of the heads of the different branches of the military as well as the Minister of Defense and the General Chief of Staff.  Defense Minister Mohamed Hussein Tantawi chaired the most recent meeting of the Council in Mubarak's absence.

What happens next?  How will the transition work?

What is clear is that a process will begin in which the opposition parties will be involved, though how it will work has not been defined. Much depends on how the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces will structure the tasks ahead.  The military already has said it will not accept the legitimacy of the state, meaning it has no intention of maintaining power for the long term. The Army probably will now step back to establish a playbook by which the nation moves to both change laws in the Constitution that have hindered democracy—and set up a process by which new political groups get a role in determining collectively how a fair election needs to be structured.

Where is Mubarak now, and where is he likely to go?

Earlier this morning President Mubarak's presidential plane reportedly left for and landed in Sharm el-Sheikh, the Red Sea resort city in the south of Egypt's Sinai Peninsula. There are some rumors at the moment that he has left the country, but that has not been confirmed.  If he has not yet left, it is very possible that he will try to leave Egypt for a safe haven in one of the Gulf States, Europe, or perhaps in the United States, but any nation that accepts Mubarak will have to deal with the anger of the Egyptian public.  Mubarak also might have to worry about legal challenges and extradition.

What happened between Mubarak's speech last night and his decision to resign today?

Totalitarian regimes don't fall very neatly and predictably.  There were 18 days of pressure that finally produced a resignation, but there was no certainty that Mubarak would in the end give in.  Mubarak's ability to stand against the headwinds facing him was impressive on one level.  The military most likely had some divisions between those who believed Mubarak should go and those who remained loyal or fearful.  This might have been a "soft coup" in which Mubarak was forced by the military to announce the suspension of his presidency.  It is important that we did not hear Mubarak resign; we heard Suleiman announce the words that Mubarak refused to utter.

Did the White House play a role in Mubarak's decision to step down?

Yes, the White House mattered but certainly did not play the decisive role.  The Egyptian public catalyzed the events that brought Mubarak down.  The White House defined the core principles that it most cared about—no violence, respecting the right of people to assemble and protest, and calling for meaningful, inclusive transition—and these became the frame for many other key nations and commentators.  This principle-driven pressure from the United States made a difference but was not what mattered most.

What will the relationship be between the United States and the interim government and the civilian opposition leaders now?

This is unclear. The military continues to have robust communication with the Pentagon,  and the White House and State Department are in increasing communication with representatives of opposition leaders.  The future course of this communication is unclear — but United States can be expected to reach out at the appropriate time to a broad array of leaders in Egypt who themselves are committed to democratic principles.  The United States will not, however, attempt to select political winners or losers.  This would backfire and undermine America's ability to have a healthy relationship based on mutual interests with Egypt's next government.

What will the repercussions be across the Middle East?

Egypt is a major anchor in the Arab world, in the Islamic world, and a key nation of Africa. The effects of this earthquake may be substantial but also hard to predict.  The governments in the region that may be most vulnerable immediately might be Jordan, Morocco, and Yemen, but the political and government dynamics in those countries are not the same as that in Egypt.  The dynamic we have seen unfold in the Middle East probably is not done unfolding.

Will the protesters leave Tahrir Square?

Tahrir Square probably will remain a heavily populated site for weeks to come, not because of protesters but because of celebrations that the people there on that site changed their history peacefully and powerfully.  Some also might remain in Tahrir Square so that the interests of the public remain visible to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces.

Steve Clemons is founder and senior fellow of the American Strategy Program at the New America Foundation. He is part of a group of foreign policy experts that the White House has consulted with concerning the situation in Egypt. He also is publisher of  The Washington Note.

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Egypt's revolution redefines what's possible in the Arab world (The Christian Science Monitor)

Baghdad – As darkness fell over the winter-chilled Middle East on Friday, television screens lit up living rooms from Tehran to Damascus to Rabat. All eyes were riveted by the spectacle that just weeks ago seemed impossible: the toppling of Egypt’s President Hosni Mubarak after nearly 30 years in power.
The collapse in Egypt took just 18 days of bold protest, inspired by the overthrow of Tunisia’s long-standing strongman just weeks before.
For Arabs used to a heavy hand and little hope, Egypt’s revolution has redefined the possible, before their very eyes.
IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's turmoil
“Everyone is watching this – hundreds of millions of Arabs, Muslims, and who knows who else?” says Shadi Hamid, the director of research at the Brookings Doha Center, speaking from Cairo.
“The Arab world is never going to go back to what it was. We are going to wake up to a new Egypt tomorrow, and we’ll also wake up to a new Arab world,” says Mr. Hamid.
“What has changed is that Arabs know that they can change their own situation without the help of the US, without the help of the international community, they can just go out on the streets and do it on their own – and no one can take that away from them,â€
Across the region, Arabs have watched transformative events unfold day after day, first in Tunisia where a single self-immolation in protest in mid-December sparked weeks of demonstrations and finally regime change.
Then Egyptians began gathering strength on the streets, battled Mr. Mubarak’s security forces, clung on in Tahrir Square in the face of mob attacks, and then simply took over when the regime began losing its ability to control or intimidate the crowds.
“On the psychological and symbolic level, it is a shattering moment,” says Fawaz Gerges, director of the Middle East Centre at the London School of Economics. “Remember that Mubarak was the public face of political authoritarianism in the Arab world. He had built one of the most feared security apparatuses, employing five million personnel.”
The forced exit of Mubarak from the presidential palace has sent shock waves to Arab rulers. “Every village. Every neighborhood. Every Arab regardless of how poor, or alienated or marginalized, [now has] a sense of empowerment, a sense of revival,” says Mr. Gerges. “The psychology of the Arab world has changed.”
'Bellwether for the region'The Arab world was the place where change was once measured in decades, where authoritarian leaders like Saddam Hussein would seize power and hold their populations in abeyance for a generation at a time.
President Obama spoke to that timeline in remarks also broadcast on Egyptian TV and across the Arab world. “Egypt has played a pivotal role in human history for over 6,000 years. But over the last few weeks the wheel of history turned at a blinding pace as the Egyptian people demanded their universal rights," he said.
“[W]e saw a new generation emerge, a generation that uses their own creativity and talent and technology to call for a government that represented their hopes and not their fears,” Mr. Obama said. “A government that is responsive to their boundless aspirations.”
Mubarak was one of those who signified fear, his Pharaonic edifice kept intact by a legion of security forces, paid thugs, and $40 billion in US military aid.
“Tunisia was always seen as an exception, it was too remote, it had its own circumstances,â€
“If this can happen in Egypt, why can’t it happen anywhere else? Egypt was seen as unlikely a month ago: The regime seemed more unified, more ruthless, with a broader base of support,” he adds.
“The regime had the Islamist card at its disposal – it seemed like Egypt would be very challenging. But the Egyptian people pulled it off. And I think now Arabs know that if they bring people out onto the streets, if they have the numbers, they can accomplish amazing things,” Hamid says.
The 'inspirational' moment “Fear and political apathy allowed dictators like Mubarak and others to do whatever they want, not only for life, but even to groom their sons,” says Gerges. “In this sense, the removal of Mubarak is truly one of most inspirational moments in the contemporary history of the Arab world. It will fuel new aspirations and hopes.”
The day Mubarak was toppled from power came precisely 32 years after Iran’s 1979 Islamic revolution, which shook the world in its day and still reverberates.
Just as that change was brought into the Arab family room by flickering TV sets, the Egyptian revolution is being broadcast across the region. But this uprising is being relayed not just live on television and radio, it's being spread even farther and faster via Twitter and Facebook.
“Iran is no longer the model; clerics and mullahs are no longer the model, neither is Osama bin Laden or Ayman Zawahiri,” notes Gerges. “The model is millions of young Arabs, calling for open societies, for freedom, for transparent elections, for their voices to be heard…. They have really Arabized democracy, and that is why it is such a powerful thing.”
IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's turmoil
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Egypt's Last Pharaoh? The Rise and Fall of Hosni Mubarak (Time.com)

By the time he finally resigned Friday, Muhammad Hosni Sayyid Mubarak had ruled Egypt longer than anyone since Muhammad Ali Pasha, the Albanian-born viceroy of the Ottoman Empire credited with bringing Egypt into the modern age. Mubarak was a son of the soil, born 82 years ago on the Nile delta, but in his three decades as its president, the Land of the Pharaohs surrendered its position as leader of the contemporary Arab world. Egypt remained by far the most populous Arab nation, but its historic power to inspire the masses was crimped, beaten and subdued along with the citizens who restored it in the space of a fortnight, simply by assembling, day after day, and chanting for him to leave.
When he did, a day late, the announcement fell to the first vice president Mubarak found the need to appoint in the last 30 years, the indefatigable spymaster Omar Suleiman, a figure who would be right at home on the 1950's era black-and-white movies that flicker on the television sets in every Cairo coffee shop and kiosk, to the remembered glory of Egyptian cinema. At once terse and lugubrious, the former general delivered his walk-off line like the undertaker he likely thought he had become: "May God help everybody." (See pictures of Hosni Mubarak, the man who stayed too long.)
With that, power reverted to the Egyptian military from which Mubarak emerged, both stolid and a little dashing, 36 years ago. He had been a command hero of the 1973 war against Israel when he shed the epaulets of Air Chief Marshal to serve as vice president to Anwar Sadat. And when Sadat was assassinated by Islamist officers at a military parade, the world discovered the new president of Egypt was a square-jawed, powerfully built figure whose imposition of Emergency Rule seemed justified.
But as the years passed and self-regard accumulated, Mubarak assumed a still grander role: The Indispensable Man. It wasn't only a matter of embodying a nation, though that was the fundament of the electoral arrangement. For the first 18 years, Mubarak was returned to office not by elections - no other candidate was allowed - but by referenda that never showed him with less than 94%. Let Egyptians think what they wanted privately, more and more of what legitimacy the ra'is (Arabic for "chieftain") could claim originated beyond Egypt's borders. Mubarak upheld the 1979 treaty with Israel that Sadat had boldly signed, and which led to his death. The decision assured more than $1 billion in aid per year from Washington, but also the enmity of an Arab world that moved the Arab League headquarters out of Cairo and down the Mediterranean coast to Tunis.
In time the League moved back to Cairo, and its members more toward Egypt's position, in 2002 even putting forward its own peace plan. But in a Middle East where autocrats have remained in place thanks in no small part to Western powers seeking the kind of assurance colonial masters once sought from tribal chiefs, Mubarak was at the head of the class. He cut a dapper figure on the red carpets of the White House, where he received the welcomes of five presidents, and played the pivot in the peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian National Authority, both of which fret at his departure. The strategic position Egypt long occupied on the map, Mubarak assumed in the cosmology of strongmen who Washington remonstrated quietly but counted as reliable. Perhaps Leon Panetta was only passing on what was in the air in Cairo Thursday, but it was fitting that word Mubarak's departure was imminent came from the director of the Central Intelligence Agency. (See TIME's exclusive photos of the Egypt uprising.)
Not that all of this came out of the blue. Tunisia's revolution was clearly the spark, but Egyptians have been stewing for so long, their uprising was foreshadowed by the titles of books years in the making and years in print: Egypt on the Brink; Egypt After Mubarak; Egypt: The Moment of Change; Inside Egypt: The Land of the Pharaohs on the Brink of a Revolution. The stranglehold of Mubarak's regime gripped not only politics - putting a boot heel on the formation of any challenge to the National Democratic Party, jailing a presidential challenger on trumped up charges - but also the economy. In 30 years in power, more than two generations could study as long as they wanted, but still hope to find no meaningful work absent some connection to the regime. Such were the legions of unemployed university graduates that the Ministry of Agriculture and Land Reclamation started a program to settle them on reclaimed desert along the Nile delta. It was called the "Mubarak Project."
Oblivious is a word.
"Look," Mubarak told Charlie Rose a couple of years ago, raising an arm from the gold-gilt armchair to shake a finger. "Your concept of human rights is a merely political one. Human rights are not only political." (Comment on this story.)
The president then enumerated the areas protesters listed to reporters in Tahrir Square for 18 days. "You have social rights," he said. "You have the right to education. You have the right to health. You have the right to a job. There are many other rights, and we are doing well on these fronts." (See the celebratory images from Tahrir Square.)
"But we are not absolutely perfect," Mubarak allowed. "Nobody's perfect."
Nor are revolutions. As this one enters its celebratory phase, some observers are dismayed by the faith demonstrators have placed in Egypt's military.
"Communique No. 1, right? This is not how a revolution begins," said Tzvi Mezal, a former Israeli ambassador to Egypt, while awaiting Mubarak's address to the nation Thursday night. The incongruity - Friday brought Communique No. 2 from the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces - was striking enough. "Everyone thinks the army is going to save the day. Mubarak is also the army."
Still it was army officers who chucked out Egypt's last monarch in 1952, peaceably escorting Farouk I to Alexandria and putting him on a boat. (The mechanics of that transition involved abdication to his infant son.) And the throngs that brought down the man Egyptians derisively called "Pharaoh" were, on Friday night, raising soldiers aloft.
See how the U.S. plans to aid democracy in Egypt.
See TIME's complete coverage: "Middle East in Revolt."
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Egypt's VP: Call for Mubarak's departure unethical

NEW: Protesters in front of Egypt's parliament try to block the army from breaking them upSuleiman says the call for Mubarak's 'departure' is unethicalThe vice president says a coup would lead to more "irrationality"
Cairo, Egypt (CNN) -- A mass of protesters maintained their ground at the epicenter of demonstrations Wednesday after Egypt's vice president said the call for President Hosni Mubarak's immediate departure is disrespectful to the people of the country.
Protesters united in Cairo's Tahrir Square Wednesday for a 16th day of demonstrations. A massive Egyptian flag was sprawled across part of Tahrir, and by 1 p.m. (6 a.m. ET) a large section of the square was packed.
Meanwhile, another group of protesters tried to block the country's army from breaking up demonstrations near Egypt's parliament. The army tried to talk protesters into leaving, but demonstrators blocked off two ends of the street in front of the parliament.
The throngs of protesters returned a day after Vice President Omar Suleiman denounced the massive call for Mubarak's immediate exit.
"The word 'departure,' which is repeated by some of the protesters, is against the ethics of the Egyptians because Egyptians respect their elders and their president," Suleiman told a group of newspaper editors, according to a state-run news agency. "It is also an insulting word not only to the president but for the people of Egypt as a whole."
State-run Nile TV showed footage of Mubarak meeting Wednesday with the country's foreign minister and Alexander Sultanov, Russian deputy foreign minister and Mideast envoy. It was not immediately clear what the officials were discussing.
Thousands jammed Tahrir Square on Tuesday, dismissing the embattled regime's pledges of constitutional reforms. Some were galvanized by the words of a freed Google executive, and a second front sprouted as protesters filled the city block where Egypt's parliament building stands.
Wael Ghonim, the Google executive who was seized January 28 and released Monday, became a face for Egypt's uprising. After a television interview that inspired protesters, Ghonim spoke from a makeshift stage Tuesday in Tahrir Square.
"This country, I have said for a long time, this country is our country, and everyone has a right to this country," he said. "You have a voice in this country. This is not the time for conflicting ideas, or factions, or ideologies. This is the time for us to say one thing only, 'Egypt is above all else.'"
Ghonim, a Dubai-based marketing executive, is the administrator of a Facebook page called "We are all Khaled Said," named after an Alexandria activist who was allegedly beaten to death by police. The page is widely credited with calling the first protest January 25.
Another Facebook page created to authorize Ghonim to speak on behalf of the protesters has 150,000 fans.
Dalia, a protester in Tahrir Square who did not give her last name, said she came to the demonstration for the first time Tuesday. "Nothing will make this regime go unless we keep on coming and keep on coming," she said.
As protesters entered the square, they were greeted by a crowd of singing and clapping supporters.
"Hang in there," the reception line sang, "freedom is being born."
Suleiman blamed the large presence of demonstrators and some satellite TV channels for making people reluctant to go to work, according to state-run media.
The vice president also said that "dialogue and mutual understanding are the first way to achieve stability" and that a coup would "mean miscalculated and rushed steps" and would lead to more "irrationality."
Earlier, Suleiman announced on state television that a committee has been authorized to amend Egypt's constitution to allow for free, fair and competitive elections. The amendments, Suleiman said, would be drafted by an independent judicial commission.
He said he had discussed a number of reforms in recent talks with opposition representatives. Among them were greater freedom for the media, the release of detainees and the lifting of the continuous state of emergency. He also assured Egyptians that they should not fear arrest for speaking their minds.
But with the credibility of the regime in serious question, the statements from Mubarak's deputy fell short. Real change, say Mubarak's foes, can only come with Mubarak's immediate departure and an overhaul of the constitution, not amendments here and there.
"That's not good enough," said Mohammed Habib, a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, a key opposition party in Egypt that is outlawed by the constitution on grounds that it is based on religion.
"The first thing that the regime should do is for the president to leave," he said. "The government is dividing the opposition through these announcements."
Asem Abedine, head of the pan-Arab Nassiri party, said Mubarak is merely angling for time.
"The government is only making these announcements to avoid making real changes demanded by the people," he said. "The emergency laws should be lifted."
Mubarak has ruled Egypt with an iron hand since 1981, aided by an emergency decree that gave him sweeping powers.
Since the protests began January 25, he has appointed a vice president for the first time, reshuffled his Cabinet and announced that he won't seek a new term in September.
However, the constitution remains, reshaped in 2005 and again in 2007, to help retain power for the ruling National Democratic Party.
It has been at the heart of the dialogue between the government and some opposition representatives, who want several articles amended to make way for greater political participation.
The demonstrations got an extra shot of energy Tuesday from Ghonim's interview on Dream TV, a private Egyptian satellite channel. Ghonim said four people surrounded him at 1 a.m. on January 28.
"I yelled, 'Help me,' but of course I knew these were security forces.
"The thing that tortured me the most when I was in detention was that people would find out that I was the admin (of the Facebook page)," he said. "Because I am not the hero -- I was writing with the keyboard on the internet and my life was not exposed to any danger."
He walked out of the Dream TV interview in tears after being shown photos of those killed in the uprising.
"I want to say to every mother and every father that lost his child, I am sorry, but this is not our fault," he said before leaving. "I swear to God this is not our fault. It is the fault of everyone who was holding onto power greedily and would not let it go."
But while the crowds remained large and energetic, opposition voices have started to splinter.
Some, including members of the self-declared Council of the Wise, have said they don't agree that Mubarak's immediate departure would be the best thing for Egypt.
Arab League Secretary-General Amre Moussa, who was among protesters last week, told CNN this week that Mubarak should be allowed a "dignified exit" in September.
"I believe that the president should stay until the end of his mandate. The consensus is growing on this point because of certain constitutional considerations," Moussa said.
State television in Egypt has suggested that the United States is helping fund the protests, which -- it says -- have been infiltrated by Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran and others.
The divisions within the opposition raised fears that they could work to the regime's advantage.
"The danger at the moment is that this opposition, which a few days ago seemed to unite, is now being divided," said Cairo-based analyst Issandr El Amrani. "The regime is using its tried and true tactic of divide and conquer."
CNN's Ben Wedeman, Ian Lee, Salma Abdelaziz, Saad Abedine, Amir Ahmed, Frederik Pleitgen, Caroline Faraj and Jill Dougherty contributed to this report.
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