In Egypt, Democracy Makes Islamism Less Threatening (Time.com)

The erstwhile spokesman of al-Azhar, the Sunni Muslim seminary that serves as Egypt's highest religious authority, sees unfortunate parallels between his institution's experience and that of the clergy during the French Revolution. In short: both took the wrong side.

"Al-Azhar is the most prestigious institution in the Muslim World. It has great credibility as a bastion of Islamic knowledge and tradition," says Mohamed Rifaah, the vast institution's former spokesman. But its image withered under the 30-year regime of now deposed President Hosni Mubarak, who kept the institution on a tight leash. Mubarak exercised the right of his office to appoint the grand sheik of al-Azhar, and the regime controlled the institution's religious message. "This is what made it lose its credibility," says Rifaah. "If you want to be credible, you have to present yourself independently." (See photos of Mubarak, the man who stayed too long.)

As al-Azhar continued to serve its political master by offering scholarly Islamic interpretations opposed to the democratic uprising, Rifaah resigned along with a number of other officials who joined the revolution in their trademark gray overcoats and red caps. Now, the former diplomat believes that Egypt's new political reality offers al-Azhar the chance to reclaim its former international and domestic stature as an Islamic authority by establishing its independence from the regime.

But like all the state institutions under the Mubarak regime's control, al-Azhar's immediate future remains uncertain. And its fate may be part of a larger debate over the place of religion in Egypt's future. That debate includes the role that the country's largest opposition group, the Muslim Brotherhood, will play in Egyptian democracy once it implements its recent decision to create a political party. And there's also the question of how a more democratic Egypt will deal with the Brotherhood's violent archnemesis, al-Qaeda, and related extremist groups. Even more basic, Egyptians are asking whether Article II of the constitution, which declares Islam the religion of the state and Islamic law the principal source of legislation, needs to be amended. The sheik of al-Azhar has warned that any changes to Article II would lead to conflict. Others, like prominent human-rights lawyer Ahmed Seif, say it's simply too soon to be having the debate about religion's role. Elections need to come first, he says. Many others say the conversation has started, and there is no turning back.

Mazen Mostafa, a member of Mubarak's ruling National Democratic Party who joined the revolution early on, believes Egyptians are on the cusp of a fundamentally different religious reality. "I think al-Azhar will lose its stature after some time as Egypt turns to more of a secular role. Both Islam and Christianity will diminish," he says. (See how democracy can work in the Middle East.)

Others are less certain. Last Friday, a crowd estimated by some to number over 1 million poured into Tahrir Square to celebrate their revolution and maintain its momentum. One of the keynote speeches was a passionate sermon by Islamic scholar sheik Youssef al-Qaradawi, newly returned from exile, who led the midday prayers. Some see al-Qaradawi's return as a sign that Egypt's revolution will open the way for a more Islamist politics. The popular scholar has a large following and a top-ranked al-Jazeera TV show, but he has been criticized by Egypt's Western allies for rationalizing Palestinian terror attacks. Al-Qaradawi supporters, however, insist he is hardly an extremist; the scholar condemned the attacks on Sept. 11, and is consistently at odds with al-Qaeda, having close ties to the Muslim Brotherhood and its more moderate views on Islam.

See more about Egypt's pursuit of the corrupt.

In Friday's speech, al-Qaradawi toed a moderate line in harmony with the revolution, calling for the removal of the corrupt remnants of Mubarak's regime, as well as the release of political prisoners. "I call on the Egyptian army to liberate us from the government that Mubarak formed," he said in the televised sermon. But he also urged protesters to have patience with the Egyptian military and urged striking workers to return to work in the interests of the revolution - sentiments far closer to those of the current military rulers than to many of those in the square.

Many analysts and political activists believe that Islamic extremists will lose out as a more democratic Egypt shapes its religious identity. "The new generation, including the Muslim Brothers and those of them who were in Tahrir Square, have hardly any relationship with al-Qaeda - ideologically, in terms of the outlook, and definitely not organizationally," says Walid Kazziha, a political scientist at the American University in Cairo. "I think al-Qaeda perhaps fears that these young Egyptians have stolen the revolution." (See the Facebook rebel who helped kick off the Jan. 25 revolution.)

Of course, there will be Islamists among the winners in Egypt's democratic revolution, but those are more likely to be the more moderate Muslim Brotherhood types. Denouncing the Brotherhood has long been a staple of al-Qaeda propaganda tapes, while a portion of the Egyptian group's website is titled "MB versus Qaeda" and is dedicated to bashing extremists. The Brotherhood recently announced that it will form a political party to contest elections as soon as constitutional amendments make that possible - a move that al-Qaeda would take as proof of its accusations of the Brotherhood's treachery against the Islamist cause, which al-Qaeda sees as irreconcilable with democracy.

Although members of the Brotherhood comprised a small minority of protesters in Tahrir Square, their cooperative and humble approach to working with other groups - never trying to lead, as well as their declared intention to refrain from fielding their own presidential candidate - will help them gain ground. "The Brotherhood is a part of this revolution," says Waleed Shalaby, the group's clean-shaven media consultant. "They didn't lead it or come late to it. The Brotherhood is at its heart, and it's part of its basic fabric."

The approach taken by the Brotherhood undercut efforts by the Mubarak regime to present Egypt's political choice as one between the dictatorship and the Islamists. In Tahrir, thousands of Egyptians who had previously had no contact with the Islamist group gained a positive experience. "People think the Muslim Brotherhood are terrorists, but they're not," said Hoor Ahmed Shawky, 17. "They just want fairness and justice."

The plurality that comes with democracy, if it is achieved, could also limit the Brotherhood's popularity, and marginalize the extremist fringes. Although the crowd in Tahrir Square on Friday listened in keen silence to al-Qaradawi's sermon, they represented a greater diversity across lines of age, outlook and social class, cooperating in the interests of establishing a truly democratic arena in which to express themselves. Extremist Islam would only triumph, says al-Azhar's former spokesman Rifaah, if the repression continues. "But if we have a democracy, we will not have a society dominated by one faction or by one religious organization. We will have a balanced society where all trends of thought will be adequately represented."

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Could Indonesia's democracy be Egypt's model? (The Christian Science Monitor)

Jakarta, Indonesia – The similarities between Indonesia a decade ago and Egypt today are striking: a Muslim majority, a popular uprising, and the ouster of a long-running strongman. Indonesia's strides after driving Suharto out of power in 1998 make it a potential model for Egypt, which is trying to build a post-Mubarak nation.

Many have praised Indonesia for its swift transition from a period of domestic upheaval to a state that boasts Southeast Asia's largest economy, as well as a vibrant media and civil society that has twice participated in open elections. The international community has also praised Indonesia's success in cracking down on terrorism.

But accountability remains weak, illustrated by a web of corruption trials in which suspects have been acquitted or sentenced to short jail terms. Despite economic growth of more than 6 percent last year, the wealth gap has barely budged, and recent attacks on religious minorities largely ignored by the police have some worried about growing intolerance.

This nation's struggles in making everyone accountable before the law, as shown in the upcoming trial of Indonesia’s famed hard-line cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, is a reminder of the difficulties in building and maintaining democratic institutions long after the end of authoritarian rule.

IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's revolution

Bashir case could set precedentBashir faces a litany of charges that include raising funds for a militant training camp in Aceh and sanctioning armed robberies and killings in support of holy war. After escaping convictions in his previous two trials – earning him the moniker the "Teflon Terrorist" – Bashir now faces a dossier of evidence that allegedly ties him to the camp in Aceh, including testimony from his inner circle.

Observers say prosecutors only have to make the charges stick on one count to secure a guilty verdict and provide a milestone for Indonesian democracy.

“Of course, the more charges they get to stick, and the more damning, the better,” says Greg Fealy, a professor of Indonesian politics at Australian National University. Some Islamist politicians remain skeptical about Bashir’s support for terrorist activities, but Professor Fealy says a conviction would put an end to such doubts.

“It could be a precedent for going after a lot of other firebrand clerics that are deliberately inciting people to violence,” says Sidney Jones, a senior analyst focused on terrorism issues at the International Crisis Group and leading authority on Islamist militants in Indonesia.

RELATED: Delay in trial of Indonesian cleric Bashir raises worry about antiterrorism efforts

Embattled reputation for pluralismBut Ms. Jones remains wary of pinning too much importance on the aging cleric’s trial. Long considered the spiritual leader of Jemaah Islamiyah, a regional militant network bent on installing Islamic rule across Southeast Asia, Bashir has lost some of his support in recent years, as militant cells have morphed into a loose connection of small groups.

Terrorism, however, is only one form of extremism, and Jones worries that the government has foundered on addressing lesser acts of violence, such as words that lead directly to assault.

“There is no firm guidance from the state on how to protect its citizens,” says Syafi’i Anwar, the head of the International Center for Islam and Pluralism, a network of progressive Muslim activists. Mr. Anwar says the president is losing his grip on controlling radical groups – and that makes it increasingly difficult to defend Indonesia’s reputation for pluralism.

Indonesia's past in perspectiveDespite current concerns about democratic backtracking, Jones says it is important to keep Indonesia’s past in perspective. “It’s because Indonesia has recovered some basic liberties that we can criticize the government for failing to act,” she says.

The takeaway for Egypt?

“Make all the reforms you can while the spirit for reforms is still high; get the military out of politics quickly, and lift all Draconian decrees,” says Jones. And do one thing Indonesia did not do, she adds – ensure that everyone, including police and other minorities, has an equal share in democracy.

IN PICTURES: Exclusive Monitor photos of Egypt's revolution

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Obama urges 'genuine democracy' in Egypt (AFP)

WASHINGTON (AFP) – US President Barack Obama has called on the now-ruling Egyptian military to ensure a transition towards "genuine democracy," saying that the people of Egypt had spoken.

Obama gave a statement Friday, soon after it emerged from a euphoric Cairo that President Hosni Mubarak, a 30-year US ally who America subtly helped push towards the exit, had resigned after days of raging street protests.

"The people of Egypt have spoken -- their voices have been heard and Egypt will never be the same," Obama said.

"Egyptians have made it clear that nothing less than genuine democracy will carry the day," Obama said, praising the military for safeguarding the state, but also calling on them to secure a credible political transition.

The US administration had struggled for days to find ways of making an impact on the 18-day crisis, as Mubarak had defied pressure to end his long authoritarian rule.

Obama had ratcheted up calls for a peaceful, swift transition to democracy, and on Friday pledged that the United States would stand with the people of Egypt -- one of America's staunchest allies and a recipient of some two billion dollars in annual aid.

"By stepping down, President Mubarak responded to the Egyptian peoples' hunger for change," Obama said in his brief statement.

On taking power Friday, the military moved quickly to reassure the citizens whose street revolt toppled Mubarak that it would respect the popular will.

And the White House called on the new authorities in Egypt to honor existing peace agreements with Israel.

"It is important the next government of Egypt recognize the accords that have been signed with the government of Israel," White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said.

Mubarak's hurried departure Friday -- a day after he said he would stay until September's elections -- will have brought relief in Washington, facing a dearth of options to force an end to the crisis.

But Mubarak's exit also posed searching questions about future US Middle East policy, with a possible power vacuum in Egypt.

Obama nevertheless hailed the toppling of the Arab strongman, brought down by two weeks of mass protests in Cairo's Tahrir Square, as a defining moment in world history.

"The word Tahrir means liberation. It's a word that speaks to that something in our souls that cries out for freedom," Obama said.

The president also drew parallels to other tumultuous world events, referring to the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Indonesian revolt against president Suharto, and Indian independence icon Mahatma Gandhi.

He called on the armed forces to ensure a political transition that was "credible in the eyes of the Egyptian people," warning of "difficult days ahead."

"Over the last few weeks, the wheel of history turned at a blinding pace, as the Egyptian people demanded their universal rights," he said.

And he emphasized the peaceful nature of the uprising.

"Egyptians have inspired us and they've done so by putting the lie to the idea that justice is best gained through violence," Obama said.

"For Egypt, it was the moral force of non-violence, not terrorism, not mindless killing, but non-violence, moral force, that bent the arc of history towards justice one more."

The Pentagon announced that the top US military commander will visit Israel and Jordan Sunday and Monday to reaffirm US support following the collapse of the Mubarak presidency.

Mike Mullen, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, will begin his trip in Amman where he will meet with King Abdullah II and his Jordanian counterpart, Lieutenant General Meshaal Al-Zabn.

"He will discuss security issues of mutual concern and reassure both these key partners of the US military's commitment to that partnership," Pentagon spokesman Captain John Kirby said.

In Israel, Mullen will hold talks with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, President Shimon Peres and the country's military leaders.

US lawmakers on Friday were also weighing tighter controls on exports that can help repressive regimes cling to power.

"We continue to watch and have concerns about the misuse of any equipment that the United States provides or sells to another nation," said a spokesman for the House of Representatives Armed Services Committee, Josh Holly.

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Egyptians in US cheer on democracy and Arab unity (AP)

NEW YORK – Waves of celebration rippled out of Egypt and washed onto U.S. shores Friday as Egyptian-Americans looked to a future of democracy and Arab unity after the departure of President Hosni Mubarak and his three decades of authoritarian rule.

Crowds gathered in New York, suburban Detroit and the nation's capital to mark Egyptians' success at toppling a leader after three weeks of sometimes-violent protests across Egypt that many feared would end in futility.

"I feel freer than I've ever felt in my life, although I'm 10,000 miles away from my homeland," said Ashraf Abdelhalim, 47, on Manhattan's Upper East Side near one of the largest mosques in the New York area, where at least 60,000 Egyptian-Americans live.

Even while in America, he said, he felt "the oppression and the fear" from Mubarak's reign. "Now the dictator is gone," he said.

Sherine El-Abd found herself sobbing with joy at her home in Clifton, N.J. A board member of the Washington-based nonprofit Arab American Institute, she predicted that the military in Egypt will "oversee a clean, democratic election."

"Listen, if the person with the thickest skin and the densest brain in the world — Mubarak — got the message the military gave him, the message is loud and clear," El-Abd said.

People gathering at the Lebanese American Heritage Club in Dearborn, Mich., the heart of the nation's largest Arab-American community, expressed hopes for a domino effect in the Arab world.

"The Arabs were taken for granted," said Arab American News publisher Osama Siblani. "And you know what happened? The Arabs presented to the world one of the most wonderful revolutions in modern history."

In Washington, a small group gathered before a rally at the Egyptian Embassy, signing the Egyptian national anthem. Two young girls held signs reading, "EGYPT CHANGE."

"This is a new day for Arabs all together," said Radia Daoussi, a 40-year-old Tunisian who said she wanted to show solidarity with the Egyptian people.

Hisham Morgan, 34, director of the Muslim-American Society Youth Center in New York, agreed it was time to congratulate the Egyptian people — and the world.

"I am very hopeful for Egypt," he said. "I see a lot of love between the Egyptians — Christians, Muslims, the youth, everyone."

Gatherings were also happening Friday in Los Angeles, in addition to larger, better-organized ones nationwide set for Saturday. Nearly 200,000 U.S. residents identify themselves as Egyptian, according to a 2009 survey by the Census Bureau.

Omar Zaki, a 44-year-old insurance agency owner who lives in Riverside, Calif., said he couldn't believe his eyes when he read the caption under the television images of jubilant protesters in Cairo's Tahrir Square.

"I almost had to pinch myself," he said. He believes the movement will ripple throughout the Middle East, noting the old Arabic saying that Egypt is the "mother of the world."

"What happens there makes a significant difference," he said.

Spontaneous celebrations dotted the New York area. People met up near the Egyptian Mission to the United Nations in Manhattan or waved flags Friday after noon prayers on Steinway Street in Queens' Astoria neighborhood.

Ayman El-Sawa, an activist from Highlands, N.J., who has helped organize protests including one in Times Square, fielded more than 50 celebratory phone calls in just the first half hour after Mubarak shocked his homeland by finally crumbling and resigning.

"But we should celebrate with one eye — and keep the other eye open for the next step: We have to be sure the army agrees with all the people's demands and does not repeat history," he said.

In Brooklyn, physical therapist Khaled Lamada, president of the Virginia-based Egyptian-Americans for Development, got news about Mubarak on his cell phone while walking to noon prayers.

"I feel great," he said. "I feel honored, I feel proud to be Egyptian."

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Contributing to this report were Associated Press writers Amy Taxin in Los Angeles, David Runk in Dearborn, Mich., Brett Zongker in Washington and Anita Snow at the United Nations, and photographer Frank Franklin II in New York.

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